By Cecilia Pasini
The initiative is the re-appropriation of a former industrial chemical plant that produced viscose, the ex CISA/SNIA Viscosa, in Rome. The abandoned plant has been partly occupied by activists and citizens and re-used, through a re-signification and re-territorialization (Maggioli and Tabusi, 2016) of the former plant in ruins and the creation of a new park, spaces for the community, and an archive of the former workers.
Photo of Lago Bullicante and abandoned ruins of the shopping centre project.
Images by Cecilia Pasini
Where is this grassroots initiative? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
The ex-Snia is located in Rome, the Italian capital city, in the neighbourhood of Pigneto–Prenestino and bordered by via Prenestina and via di Portonaccio. It is now called Parco delle Energie (Energy Park) because it became a public park as a result of the grassroots initiative. The area covers a total of 14 hectares, 6.5 of which are public. In the park stands the Park House and the Quadrato, a skate park where activities, festivals and sports tournaments are organized. The Park House, which in the past was one of the two structures used as a dormitory for factory workers, is a public space managed by the Forum Territoriale Permanente del Parco delle Energie (Permanent Territorial Forum of the Energy Park, from now on “Forum”) in agreement with the City Hall, (AAVV, 2023). The Forum is a civic body built up over the years during the activists’ struggles to protect and manage the area.
The Centro Documentazione Territoriale Maria Baccante – Archivio storico Viscosa (Maria Baccante Territorial Documentation Centre – Historical archive Viscose) is hosted in the Park House and is dedicated to a former worker and partisan in the Italian Resistance. The archive collects documents abandoned by the former Snia Viscosa direction after the closure of the firm. It is managed through an assembly that meets weekly, made by activists and inhabitants of the neighbourhood with a special biographic relationship to the plant, some of them have professional skills in the conservation of archives. The archive has an institutional recognition since 2012, when the Regional Directorate for Cultural and Landscape Heritage of Lazio recognised its value.
Inside the park, there is a natural lake, which leaked from the underground water table during work on the construction of a shopping centre in the early 1990s. The emergence of the lake and the consequent arrival of several people and nonhuman species, especially birds, has been an important turning point in the initiative. In a sense, the initiative is a form of creation of multispecies relationships based on the protection of commons, in which a coalition between human and nonhuman actors is made possible with relevant positive consequences.
Everyone in the neighbourhood and abroad can benefit from the initiative. Thanks to the presence of the park, the community centre and the archive Maria Baccante, the place is visited by relatives of former workers who want to reconstruct their family history as well as researchers, students, industrial history enthusiasts, and even by the curious who want to learn more about the city.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both, or other dimensions of climate change?
The initiative is against soil exploitation by economic powers, the big firms and the political elites. It tries to defend the area as a common good, preserve the park, and have more places where the community can meet. Activists act to safeguard and increase biodiversity, raise among the inhabitants of the neighbourhood awareness of the importance of green areas, the development of a civic sense, and of awareness of collective goods. The initiative also tries to do something out of the waste and ruins of the deindustrialization process, with a practice that overcomes the sense of loss (Elliott, 2018). It opposes the ruination and waste of a post-industrial area, claiming the need of commoning and creating new forms of relationships (Armiero, 2021). It is also an opposition to the abandonment of the stories of the neighbourhood. The polluting plant (the industrial complex used highly toxic chemicals, such as carbon disulphide, to create rayon or artificial silk) has created a toxic and noxious heritage (Feltrin, Mah, and Brown, 2022) that has condemned the neighbourhood and its inhabitants to become a wasted community, out of sight for the most. The initiative permits to overturning this perspective by developing alternative visions for the community and its territory.
Additionally, the initiative has been made possible thanks to the emergence of human-nonhuman alliances, and the sudden and bulky entry of the urban wilderness in the area, starting with the birth of the Bullicante lake.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
The main objectives concern the fight against capitalist power, privatization, resistance to overbuilding and the cementation of natural green areas. The activists want to oppose the new capitalist projects that since the Nineties have aimed to make the area at the service of private interests, asking the municipality for the expropriation of that part of the ex-Snia, which is still privately owned. They consider the park a common good that needs to be owned and used by the community without capitalist exploitation or further privatization. In the words of one of the activists: “We want to be the largest re-naturalised post-industrial settlement in Rome”. The main values concern the protection of urban nature, the importance of creating commons to fight against speculation, and the valorisation of the workers’ stories in an area with a polluted and noxious recent past.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
The initiative’s history is intertwined with the history of the industrial plant and comes from afar. In 1922 the plant was located by the Società Generale Italiana della Viscosa (Italian General Society of Viscose) and started its activity in 1923. The choice of the location is influenced, among other reasons, by the massive presence of water in the area. In 1944 an Allied bombing raid hit the factory, severely damaging it. Despite this episode, the factory resumed operations after the Second World War, but began a considerable decline that led to the loss of labour, from over 1,600 workers in 1949 to only around 120 in 1953. The decline was accompanied by demonstrations: in 1949 there was a 40-day occupation of the factory asking to improve working conditions and wages. The factory closed in 1954. In 1969 the land became part of the Snia Viscosa estate, and by 1982 it was owned by the Società Immobiliare Snia s.r.l.
In 1990 the builder Antonio Pulcini, through the company Ponente 1978, purchased the warehouses and surrounding area (AAVV, 2023). In 1992, he started the construction of a shopping mall. During the excavation for the underground parking, the excavators eroded the Acqua Bullicante aquifer. The building site filled up with water and attempts to pump it away through the sewer system failed. On the contrary, the sewer burst and the water leaked out flooding the entire area of the nearby Largo Preneste. Then the work finally stopped (Archivio Maria Baccante, 2018). In the following years, the water level stabilised and formed a lake. Its extension is about 10,000 square meters and its depth is about 9 meters, with clean and swimmable waters. On 22 May 1992, a regional decree ordered the cancellation of the building permit for Pulcini’s project.
In 1994 the Rome City Council approved the project to turn part of the Snia Viscosa area into a public green area and started the expropriation procedure. In 1995 the former Snia is listed as an area of archaeological interest. The Snia factory is also preserved as industrial archaeology. The same year activists occupied the former warehouses to guard the park that was to be created. On this occasion, the Occupied Social Centre CSOA ex Snia opens (AAVV, 2023).
In the abandoned offices of the former factory, numerous folders with workers’ and employees’ files, drawings, plans, and blueprints of the technical office, and workers’ medical records were found, collected, and safeguarded. In 2012, the Archival Superintendency of Lazio recognised the cultural interest of the archive (Archivio Maria Baccante, 2018). Now these documents, recognised as heritage, are kept in the Park House in the Centro Documentazione Territoriale Maria Baccante – Archivio storico Viscosa, constituted in 2015.
Photo of The Centro Documentazione Territoriale Maria Baccante. Workers’ documents.
Images by Cecilia Pasini
The park opened in 1997 and other areas were expropriated and made public in 2000. In 2007 the Energy Park Committee was created. This is committed to the protection of the existing park and the realisation of a broader park system. The Park Committee will later become part of the Forum. In 2011 the House of the Park and the Forum were born, the municipal administration, the Municipality of Rome VI, various associations, committees, and citizens of the neighbourhood participated in the meetings. In 2011 the WWF Pigneto Prenestino Committee is born. In 2014 a thousand people participating in a demonstration obtained the opening of the gate of the former factory and reached the lake and the public green area. The Rome City Council approved a motion tabled by an ecologist political group, which partly incorporated the demands made by the Forum for the protection of the lake, the completion of the expropriation, and the opening to the public of the area around the lake. In the same period, the Forum submitted a request for protection of the former Snia industrial complex.
In 2018 the activists presented an appeal to the President of the Lazio Region to establish the Natural Monument of the former Snia Lake and in 2019 they asked to enlarge the Natural Monument area. In 2020 the President of the Region established the “Lago ex Snia- Viscosa” Natural Monument and placed it under environmental protection. One part of the ex-Snia is still owned by the Ponente 1978 company which started a project in 2022 with the official aim of “conservative restoration and partial restructuring” (AAVV, 2023). According to the Forum and to the local WWF, the real aim is to establish in the area a logistics hub. In the same year, the Forum asks again to the local and regional authorities to enlarge the perimeter of the ex Snia – Viscosa Lake Natural Monument.
Which limits (institutional, physical, social, etc.) does it encounter?
The main problem of the initiative seems to be the big dimension of the ex-Snia area that is considered by the municipality and by the privates as a field for private investments and economic exploitation. Nowadays different parts of the area have different statuses and different forms of recognition and protection. Even if the institutions, in particular the Lazio Region, have been active in the protection of the lake, some other decisions seem to stretch out towards interests of privatization. Additionally, the strategy of the promoters of the initiative asking for preservation of the natural and archival heritage has been successful, but at the same time makes the possible future of the initiative strictly connected to the political decisions of the institutional actors.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
The main problem is about the private interests that threaten the stability of the initiative. The majority of the ex-Snia has been expropriated by the municipality, but a part is still privately owned by the Ponente 1978 company that is trying to establish a new economic activity.
Another threat is the condition of the buildings where the Snia had its production, which has been polluted for so many years that would need an evaluation of the ecological condition from a technical point of view.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
The main strength of the initiative is the capability to build relationships inside and outside the neighbourhood. The initiative has been at the core of various academic papers and the activists are available to spread and communicate the initiative with people interested. Additionally, the aims of the initiatives the activists carried out are close to the neighbourhood needs and identity, in particular the closeness between the history of the plant and the history of families and individuals living in Prenestino.
The special occurrence of the human-nonhuman coalition is something particularly linked to the physical characteristics of the area that are difficult to reproduce in other contexts. Anyway, the idea to re-signify a former industrial area, with the appropriation of space and a memory, is something possible for the majority of the abandoned ruins of the industrial era. It can be made also by valorising and protecting the urban wilderness as well as in the ex-Snia.
Another strength of the initiative concerns the multiform knowledge and the different skills that the activists mobilise, even the more technical and scientific ones (Gissara, 2018). Everybody brings their own capabilities and previous experiences to contribute to the common good.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements, long-term sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)?
The initiative has been important in the political decision made by the Region since the Nineties to expropriate the ex-Snia area in order to create a Natural Monument, and for the creation in 2015 of the Centro Documentazione Territoriale Maria Baccante – Archivio storico Viscosa within the Park House. This implies that the initiative has been successful in relating with the political elites, negotiating some positive political outputs, while retaining at the same time its antagonistic and alternative role with respect to institutional politics. The process has been a real long-term initiative that is nowadays incorporated into the political, social and economic life of the neighbourhood, and the assembly is still working, asking for the expropriation of the last privately owned part of the former industrial plant. The initiative is widely recognized within Rome, and more broadly in Italy, as a successful initiative to oppose the privatisation and speculation on the industrial heritage, as well as to defend the preservation of nature and green urban spaces.
References
AA.VV. (2023) Il Lago Bullicante Ex-Snia “Lago per Tuttə – Cemento per Nessunə”. Retrieved from https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/38259072ca4d4b2490fa70a3460abe68 [last accessed 10 July 2023].
Armiero, M. (2021). L’era degli scarti. Cronache dal Wasteocene, la discarica globale. Torino: Einaudi.
Centro Documentazione Territoriale Maria Baccante (2013). La fabbrica. Retrieved from https://www.archivioviscosa.org/la-fabbrica/ [last accessed 10 July 2023].
Centro documentazione territoriale Maria Baccante (2018). L’acqua e la carta: il ritrovamento dell’archivio storico Viscosa. Zapruder, 47, 124-127.
Elliott, R. (2018). The Sociology of Climate Change as a Sociology of Loss. European Journal of Sociology / Archives Européennes De Sociologie, 59(3), 301-337.
Feltrin L., Mah A. and Brown D. (2022). Noxious deindustrialization: Experiences of precarity and pollution in Scotland’s petrochemical capital. Politics and Space, 40(4), 950-969.
Gissara, M. (2018). Intorno al lago. La riappropriazione popolare dell’area dell’ex Snia Viscosa a Roma. Tracce Urbane. Rivista Italiana Transdisciplinare Di Studi Urbani, 2(4), 218-236.
Maggioli M. and Tabusi M. (2016). Energie sociali e lotta per i luoghi. Il ‘Lago naturale’ nella zona dell’ex CISA/Snia Viscosa a Roma. Rivista Geografica Italiana, 123(3), 365-382.
Image 1: “Tarlataban – A grassroots gathering full of solidarity” by Alper Can Kılıç. February 2018.
Source: https://tinyurl.com/tarlataban. Image with permission to use by Tarlataban.
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the
beneficiaries?
Tarlataban community was formed at Boğaziçi University. Boğaziçi University is a state university in Istanbul, Turkey. The university campus is located in Beşiktaş district, Bebek neighbourhood. Tarlataban is the name of the green space where the collective was meeting for urban agriculture activities and discussions on food politics. Tarlataban literally means the field (tarla) at the bottom (taban), referring to the location of the field on the university campus.
Volunteer students and academics started the initiative. They came together and asked for logistic support from the university administration, such as land for urban gardening and necessary tools. Later, people outside the university also joined the community. Those people included students from other universities, activists and ordinary citizens “with an interest in an alternative food system” as one of the earliest volunteers of the community, Mustafa says. The beneficiaries include but are not limited to the community members since Tarlataban’s influence far exceeded campus boundaries.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
The community contributes to the adaptation to and mitigation of climate change. Tarlataban positions itself within the food sovereignty movement. They embrace ecological farming principles and follow agroecology. Their methods respect the carbon cycle and climate system, and also protect and enhance biodiversity. Çiğdem, another volunteer who put her efforts into the foundation of the community and worked actively for long years, agrees with the community’s positive contribution to climate. She claims the initiative helped reduce GHG emissions by “shortening the production-consumption chain”. Mustafa adds that engaging in farming practices makes people more aware of the effects of their choices on the ecosystems. He also believes that “putting effort for an alternative food supply chain free of exploitation might be one of the many meaningful steps to take against climate change”.
●What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
The community was part of a tripartite structure. The purpose was to establish a holistic food system at the campus, including a gardening community that produces food from the field; a consumer cooperative (BUKOOP – Boğaziçi Members Consumer Cooperative) that works directly with the small-scale local producers in Turkey and Tarlataban community; and a Student Cooperative that would prepare affordable, fair and healthy meals for students using the ingredients produced by Tarlataban and the producers of BUKOOP. Tarlataban strictly used only heirloom seeds and no synthetic chemicals, fertilisers or pesticides. Their ultimate purpose was not to grow food but to establish a model for urban food sovereignty. In Mustafa’s words, they were keen to “initiate and foster a debate about alternative agriculture techniques that might pave the way for a more fair, healthy, exploitation-free and ecologically-friendly food supply chain”.
Image 2: Tarlataban community working together on the field in their first year. May 2012. Source: https://tarlataban.files.wordpress.com/2012/05/2012-05-06-13-04-09.jpg. Image with permission to use by Tarlataban.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
The idea for a collective agriculture initiative was born after the Starbucks Occupation at the campus towards the end of 2011 (Bostan Hikayeleri, 2017). Students occupied the shop, stating that it was the capital’s occupation of a common area that belonged to the university. They were against the neoliberal occupation of public spaces. They used the term “counter-occupation” for their activism (Kocagöz, 2012). They demanded access to fair, healthy and affordable food within the campus area.
The volunteers established the tripartite structure in 2012 with the help of the university administration. Tarlataban’s first harvest also dates to 2012. Using the products from the field, they cooked meals for students and sold them near the university cafeteria and in the small building called “Baraka” (barrack) the Student Cooperative and BUKOOP used. After the 2013 Gezi Park protests in Istanbul, the city experienced a bloom of solidarity collectives. Many other urban gardening initiatives, food cooperatives and solidarity kitchens were formed. Sometimes, Tarlataban’s harvest was excessive for a limited volunteer group to process; they shared that excess with a migrant solidarity kitchen in the city centre. The big greenhouse in the Tarlataban area was used to produce seedlings from seeds. Tarlataban opened their greenhouse for collective use. They distributed the seedlings to the other collectives in the city, for they lacked such infrastructure. The community experienced several years full of production and solidarity.
Image 3: Inside Tarlataban’s greenhouse. January 2015. Source: https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=1043789885637807&set=pb.100064517147201.-2207520000.
Image with permission to use by Tarlataban.
After 2015, the government of Turkey significantly increased its pressure on the university. The outsiders’ entries to the campus got restricted. That way, the collective started to lose its active participants. In 2016, the President of Turkey, Erdoğan, ended the democratic rectorate elections and appointed a new rector to the university (“Bogazici Kayyum Tarihcesi”, n.d.). In 2018, the appointed rectorate of the university chained the doors of Tarlataban and made the space inaccessible to the community. This marks the ending of the old Tarlataban.
However, during those years of political turmoil, a new community was formed with the newcomer students. Among them, some had the chance to experience the old place with the founding community members. The new Tarlataban community requested entrance to the locked Tarlataban area to continue gardening activities. The administration didn’t allow them to use the old tarla; instead, showed them another place on campus. Their reasoning was that the old field was a difficult place to control and secure. In 2019, the community got their new tarla, but their seeds and gardening tools in the old place were destroyed (Tarlataban Bogazici, 2019).
The new community has been struggling hard to survive under the despotic top-down rule of the appointed administrators. Student meetings and collaborative work in the campus area are very rare because of the current atmosphere. As a result, gardening activities also freeze. Presently, volunteers stay in contact through social platforms and try to reactivate the community.
Who are the actors involved? What are their backgrounds?
Students who came together for the Starbucks Occupation and the Environmental Club members (a student community) constituted the founding team. They collaborated with supportive academics and communicated their requests to the university administration towards the end of 2011. Campus gardeners helped them with their first seeding in the spring of 2012. The actors diversified in time and included administrative personnel, civil servants, NGO members, activists and urban dwellers. The students came from different fields, such as social sciences, engineering and natural sciences. Most of them were urbanites without experience in agriculture, but some of their families were farmers. Some participants who joined the community outside the university shared their knowledge and experience in traditional and ecological agriculture with the Tarlataban community. During the regular weekend meetings, other initiatives visited Tarlataban. Those visitors include bicycle collectives, feminist groups, volunteers of other urban gardening collectives, musicians, journalists, documentarists, and researchers.
Which limits does it encounter?
In Tarlataban’s establishment period, Boğaziçi University had a free and democratic atmosphere compared to its recent years. The administration was supportive of student activities. The university was open to the public. People could come and join student activities on campus. For maintaining the garden work, this was important. Because, for example, in summer terms students were mostly absent, and participants coming outside did the necessary work such as irrigation. From time to time, these seasonal difficulties and the voluntary structure of the initiative were experienced as limitations by the community. However, it was a lively space that attracted people. Participants coming outside took active roles and contributed a lot. That way, the collective labour and solidarity over this urban garden continued for years.
However, a more serious limitation for Tarlataban was Turkey’s political direction towards authoritarianism. In the 2015-2016 period, Turkey experienced a series of bomb attacks and a coup attempt that failed. Security concerns were the most prominent issue on the country’s agenda. Boğaziçi University also had its share of this situation. In 2016, Erdoğan appointed the university’s rector himself, not recognising the result of the democratic rectorate election held within the university. The new university administration first wanted the Tarlataban community to provide a list of visitors coming outside of the campus, then restricted the entrance of outsiders, then put a chain to the doors of the community garden and fired the community out of their space completely in 2018. This process corresponds to the fast anti-democratisation of Turkey.
In the following years, President Erdoğan continued to appoint administrators to many universities, including Boğaziçi. Some opposing academic and administrative staff were dismissed and banned from the university. Waves of arrests targeted the academics and students, the university campus got terrorised by the police force. This caused the forced distancing of the students from the university. When it comes to Tarlataban, some of its volunteers were imprisoned, and some were banned by the rectorate because they attended the protests on campus. Thus, in those years and at the present time, the biggest limitation for Tarlataban initiative is the autocratic rule both in the country and in the university.
Image 4: Photo taken by Behram Evlice. The police handcuffed Boğaziçi University’s gate. January 2021.
Source: https://pbs.twimg.com/media/Eq6aDc4XIAEDXqF?format=jpg&name=large.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic
issues can arise from its implementation?
The community’s voluntary structure comes with its shortcomings regarding the maintenance of the garden work. Because the initiative was located on the university campus, holidays were hard times for people concerned about the organisation of the work. Summertimes were even more challenging, for plants needed care and irrigation when students were not around.
Another shortcoming is the scale of the initiative. The debates over food and agriculture, the activism of the community members and the agricultural production of Tarlataban were limited in scale. Its capacity was not big enough to provide fair, ecological and affordable food for the whole university. In the end, the community wanted to establish a model. Turning this model into a widespread application requires the collaboration of institutions with greater means. Civil initiatives put their efforts into multiplying such collectives throughout the city. But if the governmental bodies do not support people and even discourage them, such implementations become problematic.
Another difficulty regarding the wide-scale implementation of this model is the neoliberal-capitalist economic frame that shapes markets and agricultural activity. The rules of the game that favours commercial industry giants pose serious challenges for these small-scale initiatives to transform the food system and become significant actors.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
Boğaziçi community’s food sovereignty model is applicable in other university settings that support such ideas. Suppose the campus has an area that can be used for gardening activities and there are volunteers to maintain the activities. With some equipment, an initiative could easily be established.
The Tarlataban model can be modified and adapted for the local districts as well. Indeed, after the Gezi Park protests in Istanbul in 2013, this kind of solidarity movements spread throughout the city. Many other urban gardening communities and food cooperatives were formed with the assistance of the Boğaziçi experience. Some local governments provided land for community gardening and small stores for cooperative initiatives. Since these practices are alternatives to commercial businesses, having commons is important for people to come together, design and test their alternative systems. Even if the governmental bodies do not provide support, people search and find solutions to realise their utopias. However, the Tarlataban example shows that a minimum condition is necessary: the administrators and governments should not be afraid of the potential of collectives and do not prevent them from dreaming and acting together.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes?
Tarlataban mentally transformed and prepared its participants regarding the ecological crises, including the climate, biodiversity and food crises. Many volunteers later focused on environmental issues in their academic studies and worked for environmental NGOs. The initiative could have continued contributing to the sustainability of student life by providing ecological and affordable food. Currently, there is a severe inflation crisis in Turkey; the prices rise so fast. As a result, the quality and quantity of the food sold in the campus area decreased. Students suffer from the economic crisis greatly. If not prevented, such a holistic structure could have reduced the economic stress on students. Experiencing solidarity and community spirit would also contribute to people’s mental well-being in these hard times.
Such initiatives are also good examples for governmental bodies. Their practices can assist local governments regarding environmental and climate policy designs. Indeed, recently, Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality was reorganising a municipal park near the university and invited the Tarlataban community for collaboration. Tarlataban will survive and remind us even in the middle of a megacity like Istanbul, on a university campus, food sovereignty practices are possible and can be transformative.
References
Bogazici Kayyum Tarihcesi. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://bogazicikayyumtarihcesi.com/#/76C592CE
Bostan Hikayeleri. (2017, November 2). Tarlataban. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QuFoY7rUVAg
Kocagöz, U. (2012, February). Karşı İşgal Deneyimi: Neo-Liberalizm ve Kamusal (Birikim). Retrieved from http://starbuckssenligi.blogspot.com/2012/02/kars-isgal-deneyimi-neo-liberalizm-ve.html
Tarlataban Bogazici. (2019, July 15). Tarla’dan Tekrar Merhaba. Retrieved from https://tarlataban.home.blog/2019/07/15/example-post/
Silvia Lavanco Livreri
Italian version below
Palermo, July 14th, 2200 12 pm
A glance at that map hanging on the wall: it depicts a city that, although it is her own, looks like another. There is no nostalgia in her gaze; after all, for a girl born in 2186 Palermo always appears as she sees it outside her bedroom window: the corner of Via Roma and Corso Vittorio Emanuele, only one street separates her from the port.
She leaves the house with a quick step, still angry with her parents, who knows for what futile reason –but, you know, despite the mugginess and the turbid sea looming menacingly, adolescence is stilladolescence and, indeed, perhaps today it is an even more difficult adolescence: there are not many peers to share it with.
She walks. According to the map, there was supposed to be a long road before the seafront; she thinks about it as if she were thinking about a legendary place: she has seen pictures, but they seemed to her neither more nor less than drawings of a utopian place, so far away that she could not even dream of it…but then again, it is July and it is too hot even to sleep, let alone dream. Air conditioners had been banned, As if that’s enough, if that changes things, she thinks in a dismissive tone. She is fourteen years old, young, but not stupid; she is fully aware that, at this point in history, any action taken by the city government is just a way of wiping her conscience clean, a cure for a disaster that has long since occurred. They should have acted earlier, before the raging floods of the season began to alternate with extreme heat, with no middle ground left. Before the rain became just a memory. Before the sea gained positions on the coast while the inhabitants lost them.
The beautiful sea of Palermo, a friend of the people of the city. She had heard of it and stood there instead of that murky, stinking aquatic enemy. People from Palermo had not saved him, the sea. He had not saved them, the people. Perhaps that is why she is so angry today, she reflects on it as she rounds the corner of what used to be the “Cala”[1]: a few boys and girls around, in the 2200s, and she also has to look for what is needed for today’s “festino”[2]. Feast, feast, but what more will they have to celebrate? She collides with a small stall and gets angrier.
«Watch out!»
«Excuse me»
«Where are you going, so angry?»
«I was looking for snails for today», and, as if she is trying to distance herself, she mechanically uses the Italian language, which immediately clashes with the old woman’s dialect.
«The “babbaluci”[3]! They are here, this is an old tradition…all year long everyone says these things should not be sold anymore, that no one remembers them. Then the patron saint’s day comes and they look for the snails…people from Palermo, always like that!»
And indeed, all around them was a buzz, at every corner were sweaty, busy humans: moving garbage, pushing water off the street. Tucked away inside the old Royal Foundry, in what remains of the homonymous square, some people put the finishing touches on the star of the day: the “carro”[4].
«This year they put so much effort, it was not easy to build it, with this heat…but you can’t give it up, you know».
«What do I know? I know you couldn’t have the feast and instead I see they do it every year, but what’s the point?». This time she answers in dialect too, she got nervous: all this attachment to the festival, why? It’s just a procession, it’s just a popular thing, there’s so much else to think about, but she doesn’t say that.
«Darling, it’s to remind you who you are, because if you remember this, we will still have hope…»
4 pm
The sun filters through some openings on the roof of the old Foundry and beasts down hard on the noses bent over to work: the night session was not enough and, covering themselves as best they can, the volunteer people are now finishing the wagon before the parade. A young man of about thirty, although big gloves on his hands, handles lightly the tools, which the afternoon heat had made incandescent – weak refrigeration systems, evidently, are not too useful –. Looking at him from a distance, the tools looked like nothing more than an extension of his hand, such was the familiarity: a near-perfect apparent fusion of the human body and matter. Neither suffered, and neither was inert. The hand knows which screw to tighten, but the screwdriver knew which movement to make. An alliance is what the boy is thinking as he watches with his eyes what takes place at the end of his limbs as if they were not his own. It is the same synergy he sees around him. The busy people were almost dancing around the wagon in synchrony – who knows how consciously – of movements: their steps and gestures weaving a web.
Now he shifts his gaze to the nearly completed work: it is towering. The structure is made entirely of wood, is colorful, and is at least five meters high. It resembles a boat resting on four wheels; the lower part is so large that it can hold at least ten people facing the parapet and all the material needed for the parade. A pulpit from which someone was supposed to give his annual speech was carved on the forward part of the boat. At one time, many years before, the mayor of the city would stand there for a brief greeting, and then much space was given to actresses, actors, and people telling stories, reciting poetry, and cheering on the crowd. Today it is different, no one wants to expose themselves so much, and no one knows what to say to encourage people. People in those popular areas don’t have much hope for the future, the little they have has to be taken care of, it’s not an easy task when you don’t
have confidence even for yourself. Behind the pulpit, from the center of the wagon stood a large tower, a kind of mast, at the top of which would rest the statue of the patron saint: Saint Rosalie. [5] It is on this structure that the saint would parade along the streets of the city, all the way to the sea. Let me be clear, this was not a grand tour – and at this thought the boy, who has meanwhile stopped working, ironically smiles –. The lower part of the city, which once overlooked the sea, had shrunk considerably, and in the few streets that had not yet been completely submerged there was always a bad smell and wetness on the road, which is why they had decided to remove them from the parade route.
The discussion on how to end the parade had been long: from one side some said to stop before the sea, from the other side some insisted on keeping the tradition and hoisting the structure on a boat at midnight and taking it out to sea. Eventually, it was decided on a middle ground: raise it on a boat but without going too far, otherwise, it would be tiring and dirty. In any case, the will had been to try to respect tradition as much as possible (except for the fireworks, which by then had been banned for years): a miracle had to be asked for this time, and, as we know, a great miracle requires great dedication.
«The wagon is beautiful this year», he says.
«It’s always beautiful» a nearby woman echoes him.
«This year it’s more beautiful because we thought we couldn’t make it, because of this heat…and no money…and the administration not supporting us anymore» comments her friend.
«They tried, but they know, if the people here want to do something…» by now there is a small huddle of people admiring the wagon and chatting.
«Enough of this rhetoric, the wagon has to be finished…rather where is the one who has to speak tonight?», who speaks is always the most practical person and brings the others back to order.
«He is strolling along the harbor…» says the boy feeling almost guilty for communicating the whereabouts of his friend who wanted to be alone for a while.
Who knows what he will say tonight, he thinks, but, beside him, his friend seems to intercept his concern and asks him in a whisper: «Will he make it?». The boy responds by looking far into the emptiness.
8 pm
One person decides to stop behind the cathedral, to keep in mind to look at things from another point of view. The huge church seen from behind is just as beautiful as seen from the front, if not more so because it has the flavor of hidden things, of things that try not to let you see and that you see anyway. Better yet, you purposely turn the corner to look at them. The problem is that in the corner where urban planning hides them, other things get piled up as well. So, the person sits down, looking from
the outside at the part that corresponds to the apse of the Church and takes a seat between a dry bush and a heap of waste. The person sits down and thinks we should all do that: not stop at first sight, not look at a beautiful front and think that’s all there, but go around it, ask ourselves: where does it end? Does it end up in a nice place? We will be amazed to discover that sometimes it does, but very often, unfortunately, it doesn’t. And then sometimes we should sit among the dry leaves and the garbage and perceive ourselves as small and big at the same time, try to feel on our shoulders the problems of each being living on this planet and embrace the awareness that there can be no one-size-fits-all solution to save the earth, but that everyone has to do his or her part, and that would be more than enough already.
What is my part? the person asks herself, and again the stomach tightens, Get on that wagon? And say what? Is it going to be all right? Everything seems already gone wrong.
«You don’t have to do it if you don’t feel like it» the friendly voice comes from behind.
«I promised»
«I know»
They look into each other’s eyes and hint at a weak smile.
«Have you been here in the square long?»
«Not long enough. It’s hot».
«I know».
«How is it going over there? Are they having fun?»
«Yes, nothing stops them»
«Are they waiting for me?»
«Less than they wait for the rain»
«Do you know how many centuries have passed since the Santuzza worked a miracle and defeated the plague?»
«I don’t remember…»
«Almost six, I looked it up to prepare the speech…five hundred and seventy-six years. And now they ask her for rain, they challenge the city, they challenge the heat, they challenge the uncertainty, and they ask her for a few drops. No matter if they are religious or not, they do it. And I am a grateful person for what I see, for their dedication, for the city they create, for the resilient community they have been able to hold together».
«There’s always someone who gets pissed off…», the face smiles with weariness.
«And my gratitude also goes to them, to the ones who pout but get busy, to the little boys and girls who blame the adults, suffer loneliness but always lend an ear to those who want to talk. To the old
men and women who ruminate, but then know how to relieve you. One cannot be perfect, to each his own, as seen during the preparations».
«You insisted that they should have the fest again this year, I thought you did not agree, that you wanted to invest time to do something else, to repair the small harbor, for example, instead of decorating the wagon and streets, why?»
«Because there is a drought, but also because they can’t take it anymore and because people are looking for a miracle and they need to look for it».
«But are you a believer?»
«Not in a religious way».
«What do you believe in?»
«I believe in them, I believe that they will find a way to cope with the lack of water if it doesn’t come. They prepared a big party under the scorching sun, they must have realized at least that».
Clapping can be heard, the procession must be close by now.
«Come on, it’s my turn».
The person regards the sheet of confusing notes taken and puts it back in his pocket: it is no longer needed.
11:59 pm
The wagon has concluded its short tour, surrounded by heads dancing along the seafront’s streets. “Evviva Palermo, Evviva Santa Rosalia”[6] shouted like a mantra, a chant, or a prayer: even the most skeptical person sometimes prays and even the most believer sometimes repeats only mechanically.
The little girl takes her place on the ground, tired of walking. She sits on the “balate”[7] and does not seem to mind the heat that the stone gives off at night, after a day of beating sun. No adult could sit on it, but, since generations, that’s how thing go: young people sit on the balate, they don’t care how much hot they are. After all, they don’t care even to imagine them cooler than they are now. She sees a boy near the boat giving directions on how to hoist the wagon onto it, and she is amazed at the care he takes in that process.
She will not look at the wagon walking on the sea, she will watch the human beings who have worked to coordinate the day, wondering if it is not all in their gestures that is the meaning of so much hope.
The boy is sweating more now than in the afternoon heat under the sun; when the wagon is finally hoisted onto the boat, he notices that he has thrown his shirt on the ground. He bends down to pick it up: it is dirty, but he will wash it later. He wears it now if only because he feels the gaze of a little girl across the street on him, Who knows what she is thinking, he turns his back on her but still feels her gaze.
He will not look at the wagon walking on the sea, he will look at the sky because he believes it.
His friend in a moment will come close to him and take him by the hand, keeping her eyes firmly closed, because she is afraid of not believing enough.
The person who spoke from the wagon to the crowd around is now walking home, has turned back to the sea, catches a breath, giving in to weariness. The person will not look at the wagon walking on the sea but will soon stop the steps and will be stuck with a foot in the middle air, like one who does not know whether to go or stay, with his eyes fixed on Porta Nuova.
Between turned-away looks and pointed glances, between raised eyebrows and wet eyes, everyone looks or not at what they want to look at as if it were the last time…will it be?
Then a unanimous gasp, a single phrase in the murmur:
«It’s done».
Notes
[1]Today the “Cala” is the little touristic harbor on the border of the city center.
[2]In Italian “Festino” (“feast” in English, as we’ll call it in this story) is how people from Palermo refer to the celebrationsin honor of Santa Rosalia (Rosalia Sinibaldi, Palermo 1130-1170), patron Saint of the city since 1625 when, as history tells us, she saved the city of Palermo from the plague.
[3]In the Palermitan dialect “babbaluci” stands for a particular little type of snail, it is tradition to eat it during the summerin general and, most of all, during the feast for the main Saint.
[4]The Santa Rosalia float is built differently every year, carried in procession on the night of July 14-15; the rest of theyear it remains on exhibit in the city center.
[5]The wagon that the writer had in mind while writing this text is the one built for the July 14, 2022, parade.
[6]This is in Italian the common phrase repeated by people during the feast, I preferred to keep it in the original languagein the text. You can translate it as “Yay/Hurray Saint Rosalia”.
[7]“Balata”, from the Arabic word “balath” (“stone”) is the term for the large square bricks typical of the paving ofPalermo’s streets. It is made of black stone and, even today, it gets hot during the summer nights.
References
Giarrizzo S., Dizionario Etimologico Siciliano, Herbita Editrice, Palermo. History of the Feast of Santa Rosalia: https://www.comune.palermo.it/storia-festino-santa-rosalia- palermo.php.
Pasqualino F., Rocca R., Dizionario Siciliano – italiano, compilato su quello del Pasqualino, Giuntini, 1859, consulted on https://archive.org/details/dizionariosicil00pasqgoog/page/n69/mode/2up.
ITALIAN VERSION
Palermo 2200
Silvia Lavanco Livreri
Un rapido sguardo alla cartina sul muro, raffigurante una città che, pur essendo la sua, sembrava un’altra. Nessuna nostalgia nel suo sguardo; d’altronde, per una ragazza nata nel 2186 Palermo è sempre stata come la vede fuori dalla finestra di camera sua: via Roma angolo Corso Vittorio Emanuele, solo una strada tra lei e il porto.
Esce di casa a passo svelto, è ancora arrabbiata con i suoi genitori, chissà per quale futile motivo – ma, si sa, nonostante l’afa e il mare torbido che incombe minaccioso, l’adolescenza è pur sempre l’adolescenza e, anzi, forse al giorno d’oggi è un’adolescenza ancora più dura: non ci sono molti coetanei con cui condividerla.
Cammina. Secondo la cartina doveva esserci una lunga via prima del lungomare, lo pensa come se pensasse ad un posto leggendario: ha visto delle foto, ma le sono sembrate né più né meno che disegni di un posto utopico, talmente lontano da non riuscire neanche a sognarlo…ma d’altra parte è luglio e fa troppo caldo persino per dormire, figuriamoci per sognare. Da quando avevano vietato i condizionatori poi…Come se questo potesse bastare, potesse cambiare le cose, il suo pensiero ha un tono sprezzante. Ha quattordici anni, è giovane, mica stupida: è perfettamente consapevole che, a questo punto della storia, ogni azione intrapresa dal governo cittadino è soltanto un modo per pulirsi le coscienze, una panacea per un disastro ormai avvenuto da tempo. Avrebbero dovuto agire prima, prima che le alluvioni fuori stagione iniziassero ad alternarsi al caldo estremo, senza mezze misure. Prima che, infine, la pioggia diventasse soltanto un ricordo. Prima che il mare guadagnasse posizioni sulla costa e gli abitanti le perdessero.
Il bel mare di Palermo, amico dei palermitani. Ne aveva sentito parlare, stava lì, al posto di quel nemico acquoso torbido e puzzolente. Non lo avevano salvato, il mare, i palermitani. Non li aveva salvati, i palermitani, il mare. Forse per questo è così arrabbiata oggi, ci riflette mentre gira l’angolo verso quella che una volta era la Cala: pochi ragazzini e poche ragazzine in giro, nel 2200, e le tocca anche cercare il necessario per la festa di oggi. Festino1, festino, ma che avranno ancora da festeggiare?. Urta una piccola bancarella e si incupisce più di prima.
«Accura!»2
«Mi scusi.»
«Unni va, accussì mutriata?»3
«Cercavo le lumache per oggi…» e, come per darsi un tono e prendere le distanze, utilizza meccanicamente l’italiano, che subito si scontra con il dialetto dell’anziana signora. «I babbaluci4! Ca su, chista è tradizione antica…tuttu l’annu ricinu ca ri sti cose un si n’avissiru a vinniri chiù, ca un c’interessa chiù a nuddu. Poi arriva u fistinu e vannu circannu babbaluci…palermitani, sempre accussì5!».
E in effetti intorno a loro era tutto un fermento: ad ogni angolo, esseri umani sudati e affaccendati spostano l’immondizia, spingono via l’acqua dalla strada. Nascosti all’interno dell’Ex Real Fonderia, in quel che resta dell’omonima piazza, alcune persone danno gli ultimi ritocchi al protagonista della giornata: “u carro6”.
«St’annu s’apprecaru assai, un fu facile a fallu, cu stu cavuru, ma un si po’ arrinunciare, u sai7».
«Ma io chi sacciu? Sacciu ca un si putia fari u fistinu e invece viu ca u fannu tutti l’anni, a chi serbe8?». Stavolta risponde in dialetto anche lei, si è innervosita: tutto questo attaccamento alla festa, perché? È solo una processione, è solo una cosa popolare, c’è tanto altro a cui pensare, ma questo non lo dice.
«Picciridda, serbe pa arricurdariti cu si, picchì si t’arricordi chistu, avemu ancora spiranza…».9
Ore 16:00
Il sole penetra da alcuni buchi sul tetto dell’antica Fonderia e picchia sulle nuche chine intente a lavorare: il turno notturno non era bastato e, coprendosi come meglio possono, adesso le persone volontarie danno gli ultimi ritocchi al carro. Un ragazzo sulla trentina maneggia con leggerezza, nonostante i grossi guanti, gli attrezzi che il caldo pomeridiano aveva reso incandescenti – a poco evidentemente servono i deboli sistemi di refrigerazione. A guardarlo da lontano, gli strumenti non sembrano altro che un prolungamento della sua mano tanta è la dimestichezza: una perfetta apparente fusione tra corpo umano e materia. Nessuno dei due subisce, nessuno dei due è inerte. La mano sa quale vite stringere, eppure il cacciavite sa quale movimento compiere. Un’alleanza, questo sta pensando il ragazzo guardando con gli occhi quello che avviene all’estremità dei suoi arti, come non fossero suoi. È la stessa sinergia che vede intorno a sé. Le persone affaccendate quasi danzavano intorno al carro in una sincronia – chissà poi quanto consapevole – dei movimenti: i loro passi, i loro gesti intessono una tela.
Adesso sposta lo sguardo verso l’opera quasi ultimata: è imponente. La struttura è tutta in legno, variopinta e alta almeno cinque metri. Ricorda una barca poggiata su quattro ruote; la parte inferiore è così grande da contenere almeno dieci persone affacciate al parapetto e tutto il materiale che serve per la parata. Sulla parte anteriore è stato ricavato un pulpito da cui qualcuno avrebbe dovuto tenere il suo discorso annuale. Un tempo, tanti anni prima, vi si affacciava il sindaco della città per un breve saluto e poi molto spazio era dato ad attrici, attori e persone che raccontavano storie, recitavano poesie, incitavano la folla. Oggi è diverso: nessuno vuole esporsi così tanto, nessuno sa cosa dire per incoraggiare la gente. Le persone in quelle zone popolari non nutrono molta speranza per il futuro, la poca che hanno va curata, ma non è un’impresa facile, quando non se ne ha neanche per sé stessi. Dietro il pulpito, dal centro del carro, si erge una grande torre, una sorta di albero maestro, alla cui sommità sarebbe stata poggiata la statua della patrona: Santa Rosalia. È su questa struttura che la santa avrebbe sfilato lungo le vie della città, fino al mare. Sia chiaro, non si trattava di un grande giro – e a questo pensiero, il ragazzo, che intanto ha smesso di lavorare, sorride ironicamente –. La parte bassa della città, che un tempo si affacciava sul mare, si era notevolmente ristretta e nelle poche strade che ancora non erano state del tutto sommerse il tanfo e l’umidità rendevano poco piacevole il passaggio, motivo per cui avevano deciso di eliminarle dal giro della parata.
La discussione su come concludere la processione era stata lunga: chi diceva di fermarsi prima del mare, chi insisteva sul mantenere la tradizione e issare la struttura su una barca a mezzanotte e portarla a largo. Alla fine, si era deciso per una via di mezzo: issarla su una barca ma senza spingersi troppo lontano, altrimenti sarebbe stato più che altro faticoso e sporco. Ad ogni modo, la volontà era stata quella di cercare di rispettare il più possibile la secolare usanza – eccezion fatta per i fuochi d’artificio, che ormai erano stati banditi da anni –: si doveva chiedere una grazia e, si sa, per un grande grazia serve una grande dedizione.
«È bello quest’anno, il carro» dice.
«È bello sempre» gli fa eco una donna vicina.
«Quest’anno è più bello perché pensavamo di non farcela, con questo caldo…e senza soldi…e l’amministrazione che non ci appoggia più», commenta l’amica.
«Ci hanno provato, ma ormai lo sanno, se il palermitano vuole fare qualcosa…», ormai si è formato un piccolo capannello di gente che ammira il carro e dice la propria.
«Basta con questa retorica, il carro si deve finire…piuttosto dov’è chi deve parlare stasera?», chi parla adesso è sempre la persona più pragmatica e richiama rapidamente all’ordine.
«Passìa10 verso il porto…», dice il ragazzo sentendosi quasi in colpa per aver denunciato la persona che voleva soltanto stare da sola per un po’.
Chissà cosa dirà stasera, questo è solo un pensiero, ma l’amica a fianco sembra intercettare la sua preoccupazione, «Ce la farà?» gli chiede in un bisbiglio. Il ragazzo risponde guardando nel vuoto.
Ore 20:00
Ha deciso di fermarsi dietro la cattedrale11, per ricordarsi di guardare le cose da un altro punto di vista. L’enorme chiesa vista da dietro è bella tanto quanto vista da davanti, se non di più, perché ha il fascino delle cose nascoste, di quelle che cercano di non farti vedere e che tu invece vedi lo stesso. Anzi, giri appositamente l’angolo per guardarle. Il problema è che nel cantuccio in cui l’urbanistica le nasconde, vengono ammucchiate anche altre cose. Così siede, guardando dall’esterno la parte che corrisponde all’abside della Chiesa, tra un cespuglio secco e un cumulo di rifiuti. Si siede e pensa che dovremmo fare tutti così: non fermarci alla prima vista, non guardare una bella facciata e pensare che sia tutto lì, ma girarci intorno, chiederci: dove finisce? Finisce in un bel posto? Ci stupiremo nello scoprire che a volte sì, ma molto spesso purtroppo no. E poi a volte dovremmo sederci tra le foglie secche e l’immondizia e sentirci piccoli e grandi nel medesimo tempo, provare a sentire su di noi i problemi di ciascun essere che vive su questo pianeta e abbracciare la consapevolezza che non possa esistere una soluzione univoca per salvare la terra, ma che ognuno debba fare la propria parte, e questo sarebbe già molto più che abbastanza.
Qual è la mia parte?, si chiede, mentre di nuovo lo stomaco ha una stretta, Salire su quel carro? E dire cosa? Andrà tutto bene? Sembra già andato tutto male.
«Non devi farlo se non te la senti», la voce amica viene dalle sue spalle.
«L’ho promesso»
«Lo so»
Si guardano negli occhi accennando un debole sorriso.
«Sei qui in piazza da molto?»
«Non abbastanza. Fa caldo»
«Lo so»
«Come va di là? Si divertono?»
«Sì, non li ferma niente»
«Mi aspettano?»
«Meno di quanto aspettino la pioggia»
«Sai quanti secoli sono passati da quando la Santuzza12 ha fatto il miracolo e ha sconfitto la peste?» «Non mi ricordo…»
«Quasi sei, l’ho cercato per preparare il discorso…cinquecentosettantasei anni. E ora le chiedono la pioggia, sfidano la città, sfidano il caldo, sfidano l’incertezza e le chiedono qualche goccia. Non importa se siano religiosi o no, loro lo fanno. E io sono una persona grata per quello che vedo, per la loro dedizione, per la città che creano, per la comunità risoluta che hanno saputo tenere unita» «Anche se c’è sempre qualcuno che si arrabbia…», sorride di stanchezza.
«E la mia gratitudine va anche a loro, alle persone che mettono il muso e però si danno da fare, ai ragazzini e alle ragazzine che danno la colpa ai grandi, soffrono la solitudine e però porgono sempre l’orecchio a chi ha voglia di parlare. Agli anziani e alle anziane che si rummuliano13, ma poi sanno come darti conforto. Non si può essere perfetti, a ciascuno il suo, si è visto durante i preparativi». «Hai insistito perché facessero il festino anche quest’anno, pensavo non fossi dello stesso parere, che volessi investire tempo per fare altro, per riparare il porticciolo, per esempio, invece che per addobbare carro e viuzze, perché?»
«Perché c’è la siccità, perché non se ne può più, perché la gente sta cercando un miracolo e ha bisogno di cercarlo»
«Ma tu sei credente?»
«Non in senso religioso»
«E in che senso?»
«Io credo in loro, credo al fatto che troveranno un modo per far fronte alla mancanza di acqua, se non dovesse arrivare. Hanno preparato una festa in grande sotto il sole cocente, si saranno resi conto almeno di questo».
Si sentono schiamazzi, la processione deve essere vicina ormai.
«Andiamo, tocca a me».
Riguarda il foglio di appunti confusi che aveva preso, lo ripone in tasca: non è più necessario.
Ore 23:59
Il carro ha concluso il suo breve giro, attorniato da teste danzanti tra le vie del lungomare. “Evviva Palermo, evviva Santa Rosalia”, urlato come un mantra, una cantilena o una preghiera; che anche il più scettico a volte prega e anche il più credente a volte ripete meccanicamente.
La ragazzina ha preso posto a terra, è stanca di camminare. Si siede sulle balate14 e sembra che non le importi il calore che la pietra emana alla sera, dopo una giornata di sole battente. Nessun adulto vi si siede su, ma, da generazioni, è così che vanno le cose: i ragazzi e le ragazze si siedono sulle balate, non importa quanto siano calde, d’altronde non c’è alcun interesse nell’immaginarle più fresche di così.
Vede un ragazzo vicino alla barca dare indicazioni su come issare il carro e resta stupita dalla cura che dedica a quell’operazione.
Lei non guarderà il carro passeggiare sul mare, guarderà gli esseri umani che si sono adoperati per coordinare la giornata, chiedendosi se non sia tutto nei loro gesti il senso di tanto sperare.
Il ragazzo sta sudando più adesso che nel pomeriggio sotto il sole; quando finalmente il carro è stato issato sulla barca si è accorto di avere gettato in terra la sua maglietta. Si china a raccoglierla: è sporca, ma la laverà più tardi. Adesso la indossa, anche soltanto perché sente su di sé lo sguardo di una ragazzina dall’altra parte della strada, Chissà che pensa, le volge le spalle ma la avverte ancora. Lui non guarderà il carro passeggiare sul mare, guarderà il cielo, perché ci crede davvero.
L’amica tra un attimo gli si farà vicina e lo prenderà per mano, tenendo gli occhi saldamente chiusi, perché ha paura di non crederci abbastanza.
Chi ha parlato dal carro alla folla intorno s’incammina verso casa, volta le spalle al mare, tira un sospiro, si arrende alla stanchezza. Arresterà molto presto il suo passo, ma rimarrà fermo, con un piede sospeso a mezz’aria, come chi è indeciso tra andare e restare, gli occhi puntati verso Porta Nuova.
Infine, tra sguardi distolti e sguardi puntati, tra sopracciglia alzate e occhi bagnati, tutti guardano ciò che vogliono guardare come se fosse l’ultima volta…lo sarà?
Poi un sussulto unanime, una sola frase nel mormorio
«Fatta fu».
Bibliografia e sitografia
Giarrizzo S., Dizionario Etimologico Siciliano, Herbita Editrice, Palermo.
Pasqualino F., Rocco R., Dizionario siciliano-italiano compilato su quello del Pasqualino, Giuntini, 1859, consultato all’indirizzo https://archive.org/details/dizionariosicil00pasqgoog/page/n5/mode/2up.
Storia del Festino di Santa Rosalia: https://www.comune.palermo.it/storia-festino-santa-rosalia- palermo.php.
Eleonora Panunzi
Casetta Rossa is a self-managed social space located in Garbatella in Rome’s Municipality VIII. It was founded in 2002 by a group of residents who, on a totally voluntary basis, took action to clean up a green space that had been abandoned for many years and asked for it to be managed for the benefit of the local population. Casetta Rossa was then established in 2011 as a social promotion association and began to promote social, cultural, and environmental initiatives.
The main beneficiaries of the activities of Casetta Rossa are the inhabitants of the neighborhood with a diffuse target group (children, adults, elderlies) who can take advantage of a redeveloped park and a space open to all. More generally, all those who decide to take advantage of the various initiatives proposed by Casetta Rossa can be beneficiaries.
In the past years, the space hosted several volunteer camps for the redevelopment of the park, so the exchange has taken place at local, national and international level.
The various activities promoted by Casetta Rossa are addressed to various individuals, both Italian and foreign, favoring inclusion and integration between micro-communities and thus enabling the growth of a culture of dialogue and knowledge exchange.
Casetta Rossa statute explicitly states that one of the aims of the APS is the promotion of initiatives to safeguard the environmental heritage. This activity is expressed in concrete actions such as the redevelopment of a green area – the Cavallo Pazzo park – wrested from neglect and abandonment, which has become an extraordinary space for the community. The park is also cared through periodic appointments for cleaning and maintenance, and for meetings and cultural and inclusion projects, dances and songs, workshops to learn about and care for the environment, and celebrations to celebrate the park. To these activities are added:
Casetta Rossa aims to promote initiatives free of charge through the commitment of activists and. in recent years, it has given rise to political, social and cultural initiatives, as well as a popular wood-fired oven that can be used by the whole community, a solidarity purchasing group, activities for children, theatre, acting or baking workshops, photography courses, excursions, walking and cycling tours in Rome and Lazio to get to know historical places and working-class neighborhoods. In addition, they self-manage the Parco Cavallo Pazzo, the park next to Casetta.
[From this interview with one of the activists of Casetta Rossa, in my opinion, it emerges that Casetta Rossa is an extraordinary example of re-appropriation and protection of a space that has been made available to citizens, and of an activity that contributes to reinvent a community, these initiatives “can contribute to unhinging the socio-ecological relations that procure profit and power to a few individuals to the detriment of the many” [Armiero, 2021].
The experience of Casetta Rossa, in my opinion, proposes an alternative model of relations in the community and with the territory, a model that promotes a more inclusive and sustainable culture and can therefore be considered a new practice of relations both vertically with the institutional context and horizontally in the relationship between citizens of the community.
Bearing in mind that “the ecological crisis is not only a crisis of the physical environment but also a crisis of the cultural and social environment” (Mapping a common ground, Bergthaller et all, 2021 Derive e Approdi), Casetta Rossa contributes to proposing a new model of relations in the community and whit the institutional structures. Casetta Rossa can offer an alternative to the system that has generated the current crisis and thus respond to the climate change we are experiencing].
Casetta Rossa was established in 2002 and the visible effects can be seen in the redevelopment of the space, the management of a shared place and the promotion of the various initiatives described above.
Casetta Rossa has signed an agreement with the Municipality of Rome VIII, for the management of the area until November 2023.
Casetta Rossa sees the involvement of different actors dealing with various issues ranging from the Casetta Solidale, which collects and distributes food and necessities to over 300 households, to the Buying Group, which promotes the purchase of quality and organically grown products, to the Reading Group. The various areas of activity see the involvement of different actors with also specific competences. In general, the common background of the people involved is that of activism, voluntary work, and solidarity.
The artifact and the park have been entrusted to APS since 2013 following a public call for tenders. Casetta Rossa has signed a convention with the Municipality VIII that will expires in December 2023, this currently represents an element of instability with respect to future prospects.
The main difficulties faced by Casetta Rossa concern the issue of financing activities and the economic management of the park and the Casetta building. The activities offered by Casetta are all free of charge, the only two forms of funding being donations and income from a refreshment point set up inside the Casetta.
The complex organization of Casetta Rossa also inevitably encounters organizational and management difficulties, given the large number of proposals for activities relating to different areas.
There is also, according to the organizers, a communication limitation; a better ability to tell people about the work of the Casetta Rossa would be desirable.
The initiative arose from the initiative of a few citizens and is certainly replicable in other contexts. There are other examples of active groups of citizens who organize themselves to redevelop and regenerate their territory. The model of Casetta Rossa is a self-management in collaboration with institutions for the care and management of common goods. In this sense, the experience is replicable even if the reconversion of untended public spaces and the long-term management of a public space is undoubtedly a complex activity that requires a concrete commitment and a major managerial and logistical effort.
In the last three electoral rounds, Casetta has seen the election of its own representatives at the Municipality of Rome VIII and at the Municipality of Rome, thus strengthening its relationship with the institutions, but above all fostering the active participation of the community, which from the experience of self-management has also moved towards a commitment within the institutions.
Casetta Rossa then formed partnerships with various associations and participated in the activities of various movements active in the area. An example of Casetta Rossa’s role in the municipality and beyond is the close collaboration with the City of Rome’s Urban Gardens movement, which saw Casetta’s active participation in the process to arrive at a municipal council resolution for the allocation of urban gardens.
This example is illustrative of Casetta’s role as a small system that operates in the local context but also promotes and participates in initiatives at a national level and acts as a stimulus and influence on institutions.
Material
The information reported was gathered through an interview with an activist involved in the activities of Casetta Rossa, Maya Vetri, who currently also holds the position of councillor for Cultural Policies, Intercultural Policies, Gender Policies, Participation, Common Goods, Memory of the Municipality VIII of Rome. The website and social pages of Casetta Rossa (http://casettarossa.org/) and the statute of the social promotion association were also analysed (http://casettarossa.org/statuto/).
Photo of Casetta Rossa – public photo taken from the Casetta Rossa Facebook page
Photo Forno Popolare Casetta Rossa – public photo taken from the Casetta Rossa Facebook page
Photo Forno Popolare Casetta Rossa – public photo taken from the Casetta Rossa Facebook page
Gaia Maronilli
The experience of the project “Nutrire Trento”
Nutrire Trento is a project that takes place in Trento, a small city in the North of Italy. Among Italian cities, Trento has a very good reputation in terms of eco-sustainability, nevertheless, for what concerns the impact of the food system on the territory, there is still a lot to do. Its province is well-known for the production of apples and wine: the territories are dominated by their intensive monocultures, causing loss of biodiversity and fertility of the soil, to this adds the impossibility of food self-sufficiency. Despite that, in the recent years, some farmers have decided to detach themselves from unsustainable mass distribution(“Grande Distribuzione Orgnanizzata”) and the agri-food industry, to embrace an alternative agriculture that can follow the rhythm of nature by diminishing its impact and anthropic action and the use of chemicals. These producers follow the principles of agroecology and biodynamic agriculture. Alongside this trend of eco-transitioning of production, Trento has known a growing request for local, healthy and organic goods that leads to the birth of numerous solidarity purchasing groups (“Gruppi di acquisto solidale”). From the literature, within the trend of then new Sustainable Community Movement Organizations (Dal Gobbo et Forno, 2020), the Alternative Food networks (AFNs) are a wide variety of small or big food supply systems, alternative to the Agro-Industrial one (Forno et Maurano, 2016, p.6), and they can be interpreted as sustainable materialism (Schlosberg, 2019). By contrasting the unfair and unsustainable logics of the industrial agriculture and the big distribution, they try to underline the importance and the specificity of the local dimension from an environmental and social point of view. These realities often try to involve all the actors involved in the process from production to consumption, to waste management (Forno et Maurano, 2016). This approach can be traced back to the glocalism current: from awareness of the global problems, alternative solutions are sought on the basis of the localism principles. If it is true that AFNs have multiple problems, such as the lack of institutionalization that hinders their stability and the possibility of having an effective impact on a major scale, support from institutions can enable them to overcome the problems linked to accessibility and sensibilization to these themes. The new Food Policy Councils can be recalled as examples (Koski et al. 2016), and the following case study of Nutrire Trento can be seen as a peculiar experience within this perspective.
In this context, Nutrire Trento was born in 2016 by the mutual collaboration of the municipality and the University of Trento with the civil society to find a dialogue among all the actors involved in the food system, to make people aware of its impact, as to create renew conscious habits of production and consumption.
Within this perspective, the interest for climate change, sustainability and the impact of the food system are perceived as a “direct consequence” of being part of Nutrire Trento: the participants see their health and wellbeing as extremely linked to the one of the ecosystem, so that they introduce a political aspect in the pursuit of a wellbeing that might otherwise appear as merely personal. The Food system is recognized as one of the most influencing factors on the environmental degradation and climate change. A critical nutrition then can be one of the first actions to counter the unsustainability and move towards a more ecological model. Nutrire Trento has the value of reuniting positive experiences where local producers have their own philosophy: for example one of the participants talks about “fruit-horticulture” centered on the concept of biodiversity to work in synergy with nature and to diminish the use of chemical products and external inputs. These experiences show how it is possible to pursue alternative ways of production capable of feeding the population without adopting high technological solutions. According to the producers, this engagement is fundamental because “nature itself is rising up”: they testify that there is significantly early entry in production of the fruits, besides extreme weather events which were way more rare once. Against the problem of the vine and apple monocultures, positive experiences like Nutrire Trento can make pressure for converting the fields towards a wider diversification of the cultures. At the same time, the transition from a conventional agriculture to an organic one is a “fundamental change”. Nevertheless, it will require some time, or at least “ a generational change”, even if the participants claim that there should be stronger commitments from institutions, which, instead, are inside the system and “have their hands tied” for some issues.
This project for those who are involved is interpreted as an “incubator of ideas”, a “democratic space” where everyone is free to share initiatives, opportunities and knowledges to reach a shared objective. All the participants underline the role of the institutions, but at the same time, they agree that it is the civic society that makes the discussion table of Nutrire Trento active and stimulating. This table meets monthly and has a variable composition, according to the interest of the issue chosen. They decided to make it informal so that they could easily change what did not work along the process. The only requirement to participate is to live in the territory of the municipality of Trento. After a first phase more theoretical and dialogical, now Nutrire Trento is concretively active. In particular, during the first Lockdown for the Pandemic, Nutrire Trento Phase 2 has begun: a project of delivering local food that connected producers and consumers directly to avoid waste and support the local businesses. After this first pilot, the Community-Supported Agriculture “Naturalmente in Trentino” was created, mostly thanks to the will and desire of the producers who have concretized it.
Sociality and solidarity are a fundamental part of the project: participants talk about “a big family” and of “a community” who puts aside differences to reach together “the common good”. Sociality is recorded in the act of purchasing and a sense of trust between the produces and the consumers develops. It can be seen as a social network among all the actors implied, where participants join for a word of mouth or for preexisting solidarities (Pilati, 2018). The network is important because it is not only internal but also external and it can connect Nutrire Trento with other similar experiences or expert figures with which debate or innovation might be established. Another fundamental function of the project is the education and sensibilization to a more aware and sustainable production and consumption. The project aims to problematize the issue of food by training through open discussions, but also through concrete practices, as the ones created in occasion of the CSA meetings. Indeed, the table helped participants to better understand certain dynamics and then to change their habits and lifestyle, for example in terms of waste reduction. Something that pushes NT participants to promote education to these themes even at school, to incorporate a habitus of simple sustainable practices from an early age. Furthermore, the direct relationship between producers and consumers – who are called “eaters” within the CSA to avoid the idea of consuming, and the passivity that this term recalls – creates a space for curiosity, information and contact with the products. In this way, they understand what is behind the simple good and they can realize that for example “in April there is no fruit”, in contrast with the false perception the supermarkets give of having everything at every moment in the year, loosing the idea of seasonality.
As such, the CSA can be a resource for ecological transitions. It is true, however, that it implies a bigger engagement in terms of both time dedicated, and economic resources: producers are supported in all their activity through a pre-financing so that they have a backup in case of adverse climate or bad harvest. Anyway, by agreeing before with the costumer on the amount needed there is no waste. The criticism is that for the moment being part of a CSA “is not for everyone” because of some hidden cost that hinders the accessibility. In this regard, the support of the institutions has been fundamental: on one side, the municipality has invested but also promoted it, by increasing the range of possible receivers, on the other, the University shared knowledge and scientific resources, facilitating relations among the parties implied. Nevertheless, if this role of guarantee is appreciated, there is also a sense in which the council’s involvement implied some rigidity and less democracy. This leads to the political dimension: the decision of being part of Nutrire Trento is recognized as political, but apart from that, what is interesting is that they give more importance to the possibility of creating an alternative, instead of demanding change from existing institutions.
Finally, coming to the critical points and future challenges of the projects, one recurrent problem that emerges from discussion with participants is the accessibility of this initiative to all citizens. If it is true that from the first data collected of the CSA, participants don’t come necessarily from the world of political consumerism, they have anyway a disposable income and a high level of education: it seems then that there are some entry barriers for some segments of the population. Institution could work to support lower income and fragile subjects, in terms of education and sensibilization to make this opportunity at least known and possible.
Concerning the spread of this initiative, the external network is fundamental to adapt this paradigm to other territories, starting from their specificities. Anyway, its effectiveness in contrasting the mass retail distribution remains an open question.
The entry is based on interviews carried out with people involved in the Nutrire Trento table, including producers, consumer-activists and local administrators.
References
Dal Gobbo, A., Forno, F. (2020). Shopping for a Sustainable Future: The Promises of a Collectively Planned Consumption in Forno, F., Weiner, R. R. (edited by), Sustainable Community Movement Organizations: Solidarity Economies and Rhizomatic Practices, Londra: Routledge, 2020, p. 72-88. – ISBN: 9780367342234
Forno, F., Maurano, S. (2016). Cibo, sostenibilità e territorio. dai sistemi di approvvigionamento alternativi ai food policy councils. Rivista Geografica Italiana. 123. 1-20.
Koski, C., Siddiki, S. et al. (2016) Representation in Collaborative Governance: A case Study of a Food Policy Council. American Review of Public Administration, 48(4) 359-373
Schlosberg, D. (2019): From postmaterialism to sustainable materialism: the environmental politics of practice-based movements, Environmental Politics, DOI: 10.1080/09644016.2019.1587215
Appendix
Image 1 Tasting at the first meeting of the CSA
Image 2 example of “fruit-horticulture”
Image 3 Children at one of the CSA meetings
Image 4 The CSA visits one of the local producers
Thais Palermo Buti
1Landsat satellite photo (circa 2000) of Santa Catarina Island (Florianopolis). Wikimedia
For Xuakti, that was the best time of the year. Although she had been teaching in Ilha Brasil for nearly a decade, the expressions she saw on the faces of his students at the end of their first immersive geography class always moved him. She identified with them, and wondered how she would react if she could have lived that educational experience when she was only four years old. At that time, Xuakti was still living near the forest, or what remained of it, with his community, 4,000 kilometers away, in Xingu.
She would never have said that thirty years later she would be in Florianópolis island, teaching geography to children whose origins were so different from his own. She would miss his land, but she couldn’t refuse a proposal like that. The white people had called his family and some other indigenous relatives, quilombola and ribeirinhos, scattered around Brazil, and involved some biobot colonies to bring back to life a place far away in southern Brazil, which she only knew through the devices, but she knew it was a place inhabited by white people.
They had told her precisely “bring back to life “, a very serious thing, a mission of salvation. She had discussed about it with his relatives, they made some research. No one of them trusted white people; in the end, they have a very different idea of the meaning of life. However, the situation in the Xingu had become unsustainable, due to the last dam that were built, the cost of seed patents and the maintenance of the water wells. In Florianópolis, on the other hand, the investments in the “revitalization” were huge and came from foreign countries; not to mention the technology they had at their disposal, which at his home, in Xingu, would never arrive. So, they ended up accepting the proposal, as a challenge for the survival of the community, but also for the foundation of a new society.
Xuakti was a good teacher in Xingu, and so she was also in Florianópolis. She was appreciated, respected, was able to communicate with everyone, and had quickly learned to master the use of devices, as if she were born with them. The devices have solved so many problems, she thought, when a little girl reappeared on screen, and slowly they all returned to the virtual classroom. After the first moment of astonishment, the questions about the class used to be more or less the same: Xuakti, is the center of the earth really that hot? Xuakti, why is there so much noise inside the dunes? Xuakti, why couldn’t I catch the cloud?
The children knew the answers, but the hyperreal immersive experience imprinted the questions in a different way in their minds which, together with the corporeal dimension, first confused them, and then made them more deeply aware of the answers. And only after this first session they could move forward to the next ones, when the children, led by Xuakti, experienced the world as if they were plants, rocks, butterflies, birds and whales. Including the immersive empathy classes in the first-year didactic grid had been a requirement of Xuakti and his people, otherwise they would have left the Island. Because they couldn’t accept to look at the world only from the point of view of humans, as do the whites. The administration accepted, developed the necessary technology, and the classes became such a success that they were included as part of Ilha Brasil’s HighLux tour package.
Then, once the children had become familiar with immersive experience, in their second year of Geography, the teacher taught the most important lesson of that cycle, the one on extreme environmental disasters. Children were immersed in hurricanes, landslides, earthquakes, they were introduced into the most radioactive sites and into the smokestacks of the most contaminating industries of past times. Parental permission was needed for that lesson.
It was still daylight when Xuakti greeted the last child and closed the screen. Sunny Friday crept in like a memory after the last past weeks of rain, and flooded her with the urge to go out. She would go for a walk in the Park, as she called the Ilha Brasil Bio-Regenerative Reserve, where she lived together with ten thousand people from all over Brazil. But she met Ademar at the exit of the hut, and was almost forced to change his mind. After exchanging a few sentences, perceptible only by the devices, the two men got into the car, which seemed to be waiting for them.
The car flew over the Park, and as soon as it reached the exit it entered the carriageway. They didn’t have authorization to fly over the city. The risk of accidents due to the gusts of wind that increasingly hit the island – located in the Tornado Corridor of Latin America – was too high. So, outside the Park they could only use electric vehicles, whether they were two, three or four wheels. Ademar was already preparing for the meeting and were choosing from the many available skins the most suitable for the meeting.
Xuakti pretended not to notice his friend’s gaze. She preferred to enjoy the view from above, which lasted no more than a few minutes – just enough to cover the approximately one thousand hectares of the Park. During this time, she admired the many mountains in the south of Florianopolis, almost all reforested, the Peri lagoon, one of the few untouched by the wild urbanization of the past centuries, the beaches of Saquinho and Naufragados, with its buildings swallowed up by the sand that were going wild again, the bottom of Mount Matadeiro, where 90 years before a landslide buried the beach of Lagoinha do Leste, one of the most beautiful of the island.
But the place she loved most, perhaps because the farthest from his Amazonian imagination, was the beaches of Armação and Matadeiro, where hunters used to trap and kill whales two centuries earlier, before their definitive extinction in the 22nd century. She had experienced both beaches in immersive training when she was just arrived in Florianópolis. Both had escaped urbanization thanks to the historical value that the authorities of the time had assigned them, and they had been largely spared by the Monte landslide, even if there was very little beach left. But the nearby beach of Morro das Pedras had a different fate, and had slowly succumbed to the oceanic force: first the sand, then the houses facing the sea, then the shops behind the houses, and no dams, no retaining walls, could prevent the sea to rise, while people would continue to buy land, builders to build buildings, government to grant permits.
The last glimpse went to the small, still visible tip of Campeche Island, a paradise of neolithic art which, a few years after being privatized and transformed into a golf course, was embraced by the elusive veil of the waters. These were all ancient stories, which Xuakti had learned to internalize in countless debates and formative immersions, and which brought her closer to the land that she, together with his indigenous relatives, quilombola, ribeirinhos, and biobot colonies, was now helping to rebuild.
This is exactly what Xuakti was thinking when the wheels of the car touched the ground and Ademar looked at her showing off the carefully chosen skin: a striped cat superimposed on the amphibian that was so fashionable in the north of the island, where they were going for a meeting with the mayor of Florianópolis and with the representatives of the Technological Poles, who have always had their headquarters in those area. Even though Ademar was white, she liked him. Ademar was a descendant of the original peoples of the island, the manezinhos, whose ancestors had arrived in Florianópolis in the eighteenth century, from the Azores. The European archipelago was still famous for the fires that devastated some of its islands between 2057 and 2084, forcing the population, that no longer had access to water and livelihoods, into a mass exodus. Those were times when water conversion technologies were not yet available for Azores inhabitants – and would not be available to the majority of the people in the world for many years to come, including his people in Xingu.
Ademar never stopped boasting about his origins as the great-grandson of one of the last artisanal fishermen of Campeche, the ancient district in the south of the island that became part of the Park. He had ambiguous feelings about the establishment of the Reserve, which he often considered to be a prison and a bubble out of reality. For Xuakti, whose people had had to live in the Reserves since time immemorial on the threat of their total decimation, the friend was too romantic. Even his argument that the Reserve were created by a philanthropist businessman sounded to Xuakti like nonsense, because in his people’s memories the public and the private have always been mixed.
But the differences between the two friends stopped there. Mostly, they spent their time in the Park, working, playing Hunthinker – a game donated by the Technological Poles to the Park’s inhabitants – taking care of the community, walking. Xuakti liked listening to Ademar’s stories, like now, when they had to cross the almost 50 km of the island of Florianópolis to reach the headquarters of local power. While handling the device to prepare the meeting’s highlights, Ademar complained again about the lack of electric collective transport on the island, which would avoid the hours of traffic in the car, especially now that the road system in the main highway was diverted for the construction of the sixth bridge connecting Florianópolis with the mainland.
The construction works were lasting more than fifteen years, because the Government no longer had funds, and companies no longer had interest in investing on the island, after the golden age of tourism and real estate expansion had finished, about seventy years earlier. Who would come to this concrete forest, with a sewerage dump every 500 meters, almost no beaches, and the tornadoes that arrive every other day as well, everyone wondered.
It was then that Jacob Jacob, grandson of the homonymous tycoon who popularized space travel, took advantage of the collapse of the real estate market especially in the south of the island – which had resisted predatory urbanization until the end of the twentieth century – and proposed to the government an unrepeatable deal: he would have bought the 200-year concession of what was left of the public lands of the south of the island, would have made an agreement with the private ones who remained there, and would have built a gigantic Environmental Bio-Regeneration Reserve. No investment would have generated such an important enhancement, Jacob assured, because Ilha Brasil – the name chosen for the Park – build lives, regenerates systems.
The slogan turned out to be true. The project consisted in the construction of a regeneration village, called Ilha Brasil, a territory of environmental preservation and recolonization, which aimed to reconstruct the natural conditions of the island and its biodiversity. To succeed, Jacob’s team collected analyzes and opinions from scientists, humanists, experts in regeneration and even scholars of the old movement of sustainability. He counted on the opinions of bots developed with the most advanced algorithms. The common conclusion converged on the need to – in the words of bot-47235 who drafted the final opinion – “apply the most advanced technologies and make use of functional cultural systems to establish a careful and caring relationship with the mythical nature of things to bring out finally the world as the soul plenum it has always been1”.
The position paper was welcomed by all the experts and Jacob’s team engaged in the selection process throughout Brazil, to collect the support of people and small communities who met the criteria established by the final opinion. Hundreds of thousands of people were evaluated, and ten thousand were selected. Their role was to apply their knowledge in management and bi-relationality with woods, forests, mangroves, rivers, but also in traditional medicines, shamanism, regenerative culinary, technological exploration, defense, biogenetics and biorobotics, and other skills that would serve to create and make the reserve flourish, from all points of view.
At the end of the selection, nine thousand indigenous people, ribeirinhos, quilombolas belonging to small communities in the north and northeast of Brazil were chosen, while the other thousand were whites from other regions of Brazil and from other parts of the world. The investor entrusted the management to a trusted group, and following the inauguration of the Park in 2180, he never returned. He passed away a few months later, leaving his project as a shared inheritance between his daughter and a bot in his inner circle.
Public power had little to do with the project. State intervention was limited to the granting of licenses and permits, expropriations, authorization for access to some genetic banks, and the incentive for internal migration and repopulation. Once completed, the Park was completely self-sufficient. It generated and distributed energy, which was also sold to those inhabitants of the city without their own generation microsystem. It had its own education system, with schools and universities, and an economy based on biorobotics and hyperreal immersion tourism, highly technological sectors in which Jacob had a competitive advantage thanks to his grandfather’s activities, and which attracted a niche of wealthy consumers. To help to convince the city administration to close the agreement for the development of the Park, Jacob undertook to build a free drinking water conversion and supply line, thanks to the new technology he was developing and which he wanted to test in Florianópolis.
After about an hour of travel, spent watching a metamentary, Ademar and Xuakti had arrived halfway along the way, in the historical center of Florianópolis, which preserved in part the colonial architecture of the seventeenth century, in part its holograms. Only two of the three old bridges built between the 20s and 90s of the twentieth century and which opened the island to the mainland were still operating. The third one, and oldest, Ponte Hercílio Luz, was used only as a landing point for hyperreal immersive tourism – an idea that the old Jacob had pushed to the local government.
Traffic was heavy, but they had time, and they both preferred to enjoy the tranquility of the car over the agility of other electric vehicles. The journey to Canasvieiras, the extreme north of the island, would take another hour. After passing the center, Xuakti liked to disconnect to look at the landscape, characterized by an endless expanse of skyscrapers, bio-robot buildings and energy factories. The Technological Poles were the flagship of investors since ancient times, when they were conceived as innovation districts towards the end of the 20th century. There the gusts of wind and floods did not arrive with the same destructive power with which they arrived in the south of the island. But the decontracting bots had not yet managed to expel from the waters of the bay all the pollution that had deposited there in centuries of urban and technological settlement. Xuakti was reminded of the hyperreal immersive games of water, which she had played especially at the beginning of her stay on the island. It was nice to play with the waves. Who knows, she thought, what it must have been like for real. “I’ll show you,” Ademar commented, smiling.
———-
1 Viveiros de Castro, 2010
References:
Arguedas Ortiz, D. (2019). A gigantesca ‘catedral’ subterrânea que protege Tóquio de inundações. BBC Future. https://www.bbc.com/portuguese/vert-fut-46940113
Bispo, Fábio. (2019). Quarta ponte em Florianópolis depende de iniciativa da bancada federal. ND Mais. https://ndmais.com.br/infraestrutura/quarta-ponte-em-florianopolis-depende-de-iniciativa-da- bancada-federal/
Corredor dos tornados da América do Sul. (2021). Wikipedia. https://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corredor_dos_tornados_da_Am%C3%A9rica_do_Sul
Da Rocha, V. (2021). Casas ficam cobertas por dunas em Florianópolis. Folha de São Paulo. https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/cotidiano/2021/07/casas-ficam-cobertas-por-dunas-em- florianopolis.shtml
Gago da Câmara, J. (2019). Açores: As mudanças climáticas também atingem este paraíso no
Atlântico. Sapo. https://visao.sapo.pt/opiniao/a/paralelo-38/2019-01-01-acores-as-mudancas-
climaticas-tambem-atingem-este-paraiso-no-atlantico/
Praia do Morro das Pedras é engolida pelo mar. (2021). Sul de Floripa. https://suldefloripa.com.br/praia-do-morro-das-pedras-e-engolida-pelo-mar/
Prefeitura de Florianópolis & BID. (2017). Relatório Final. Estudo 2 Vulnerabilidade e Riscos Ambientais Florianópolis. Iniciativa Cidades Emergentes e sustentáveis.
Tucunduva P. Cortese, T., Sotto, D. & Hernández Arriagada, C.A. (2020). Territórios frágeis em intempérie – Eventos climáticos extremos em época de pandemia: o caso de Florianópolis. IEA USP. http://www.iea.usp.br/pesquisa/projetos-institucionais/usp-cidades-globais/artigos-digitais/eventos- climaticos-extremos
Valente, E. (2021). Meio Ambiente – Maré alta derruba muros e adentra propriedades no Morro das Pedras. O Avanço do mar destruiu muros. Alamy. https://www.alamy.com/florianpolis-sc-24-05- 2021-meio-ambiente-mar-alta-derruba-muros-e-adentra-propriedades-no-morro-das-pedras-o- avano-do-mar-destruiu-muros-e-image429099419.html
Viveiros de Castro, E. (2010). Prefácio: O recado da mata. In Kopenawa, Davi e Albert, Bruce. A queda do céu, Palavras de um xamã yanomami. Companhia das Letras. pp. 11-41.
Ilha Brasil
(Italian)
Per Xuakti quello era il miglior momento dell’anno. Anche se insegnava a Ilha Brasil da quasi un decennio, le espressioni che scorgeva sui visi dei suoi alunni alla fine della prima lezione di geografia immersiva lo facevano emozionare. Si immedesimava in loro, si chiedeva come avrebbe reagito se avesse potuto vivere quella esperienza formativa a soli quattro anni. A quell’età, Xuakti viveva ancora nei pressi della foresta, o di quello che vi restava, con la sua comunità, a 4 mila chilometri di distanza, nello Xingu.
Non avrebbe mai detto che trent’anni dopo si sarebbe trovato a Florianópolis, a insegnare geografia ai bambini dalle origini così diverse dalle sue. Le mancava la sua terra, ma non aveva potuto rinunciare a una proposta come quella. I bianchi avevano chiamato la sua famiglia e alcuni altri parenti indigeni, quilombola e ribeirinhos, sparsi per il Brasile, e coinvolto alcune colonie di biobot perchè rimettessero in vita in un posto molto lontano nel sud del Brasile, che lei conosceva solo sui dispositivi, ma sapeva che era un posto di bianchi.
Le avevano detto proprio “rimettere in vita”, una cosa molto seria, una missione di salvezza. Lei aveva discusso con i suoi parenti, si erano informati, nessuno si fidava dei bianchi, che hanno un’idea di vita ben diversa dalla loro. Ma in fin dei conti la situazione nello Xingu era diventata insostenibile, per via dell’ultima diga, del costo dei brevetti per i semi e della manutenzione dei pozzi acquiferi. A Florianópolis invece gli investimenti in questa “rimessa in vita” erano enormi, tutti arrivati da fuori; senza parlare della tecnologia che avevano a disposizione, che lassù, a casa sua, non sarebbe mai arrivata. Così hanno finito per accettare, come una sfida per la sopravvivenza della sua comunità, ma anche per la fondazione di una nuova società.
Xuakti era un bravo maestro nello Xingu e così è stato anche a Florianópolis. Era apprezzato, rispettato, riusciva a comunicare con tutti, e aveva imparato velocemente a dominare l’uso dei dispositivi, come se ci fosse nato. Tanti problemi hanno risolto i dispositivi, pensava, quando una bambina si è riaffacciata allo schermo, e piano piano sono tutti tornati all’aula virtuale. Dopo il primo momento di stupore, le domande sulla lezione appena conclusa erano sempre più o meno le stesse: Xuakti, il centro della terra è davvero così caldo? Xuakti, perché dentro alle dune c’è così tanto rumore? Xuakti, perché non riuscivo a prendere la nuvola?
Non che i bambini non conoscessero le risposte, ma l’esperienza immersiva iperreale imprimeva le domande in un modo diverso nelle loro menti che, in connubio con la dimensione corporea, prima li confondeva, per poi renderli più profondamente consapevoli delle risposte. E solo allora si poteva passare alle lezioni successive, quando i bambini, guidati da Xuakti, sperimentavano il mondo come fossero piante, rocce, farfalle, uccelli e balene. Quella di inserire nella griglia didattica del primo anno le lezioni di empatia immersiva era stata un’esigenza di Xuakti e del suo popolo per rimanere nella Riserva, perché non avrebbero accettato di guardare il mondo solo dal punto di vista degli umani, come fanno i bianchi. L’amministrazione ha accettato, ha sviluppato la tecnologia necessaria, e le lezioni sono diventate un successo tale da entrare a far parte del pacchetto turistico HighLux di Ilha Brasil.
Poi, quando i bambini avevano familiarizzato con l’immersione, al secondo anno di geografia, il maestro impartiva la lezione più importante di quel ciclo, sui disastri ambientali estremi. I bambini venivano immersi negli uragani, negli smottamenti di terra, nei terremoti, venivano introdotti nei siti più radioattivi e dentro le ciminiere delle industrie più contaminanti dei tempi passati. C’era bisogno di un’autorizzazione dei genitori per quella lezione.
Era ancora giorno quando Xuakti salutò l’ultima bambina e chiuse lo schermo. Il venerdì soleggiato si insinuò come un ricordo dopo le settimane di piogge appena passate e lo inondò di voglia di uscire. Avrebbe fatto un giro a piedi nel Parco, come chiamava la Riserva Bio-Rigenerativa Ilha Brasil dove viveva insieme a diecimila persone provenienti da tutto il Brasile, ma l’incontro con Ademar all’uscita della capanna lo obbligò a cambiare idea. Dopo essersi scambiati qualche frase percettibile soltanto dai dispositivi, i due uomini salirono sulla macchina, che sembrava aspettarli.
L’auto ha sorvolato il Parco e non appena giunta all’uscita si è immessa in carreggiata. Non avevano l’autorizzazione per volare in città. Il rischio di incidenti a causa delle raffiche di vento che sempre più potentemente colpivano l’isola – collocata nel Corridoio dei Tornado dell’America Latina – era troppo alto. Quindi fuori dal Parco si potevano usare soltanto le elettriche, che fossero a due, tre o quattro ruote. Ademar si stava già preparando per l’incontro e sceglieva tra le tante skin disponibili una che fosse adatta all’occasione. Xuakti faceva finta di non avvertire lo sguardo dell’amico perché preferiva gustarsi il panorama dall’alto, che durava non più di pochi minuti – quanto bastavano per percorrere i circa mille ettari del Parco – durante i quali ammirava i tanti monti del sud dell’isola, quasi tutti riforestati, la laguna di Peri, una delle poche indenne all’urbanizzazione selvaggia dei secoli scorsi, le spiagge di Saquinho e Naufragados, con le sue costruzioni inghiottite dalla sabbia che si inselvatichivano nuovamente, i piedi del Monte Matadeiro, dove 90 anni prima uno smottamento aveva sotterrato la spiaggia di Lagoinha do Leste, una delle più belle dell’isola.
Ma il posto che le piaceva di più, forse perché il più lontano dal suo immaginario Amazzonico, erano le spiagge di Armação e Matadeiro, dove fino a due secoli prima i cacciatori intrappolavano e uccidevano le balene, prima della loro estinzione definitiva nel secolo XXII. Aveva vissuto entrambe le spiagge nel training immersivo appena arrivato a Florianópolis. Erano sfuggite all’urbanizzazione grazie al valore storico che le autorità dell’epoca avevano assegnato loro, ed erano state in gran parte risparmiate dalla frana del Monte, anche se di spiaggia ne restava ben poca. Destino diverso era toccato alla vicina spiaggia di Morro das Pedras, che lentamente soccombeva alla forza oceanica: prima la sabbia, poi le case davanti al mare, poi i negozi dietro alle case, e nessuna diga, nessun muro di contenimento, hanno potuto impedire al mare di salire, mentre le persone continuavano a comprare i terreni, i costruttori a costruire edifici, il governo a concedere permessi.
L’ultimo sguardo è andato alla piccola punta ancora visibile dell’isola del Campeche, un paradiso dell’arte rupestre che, pochi anni dopo essere stata privatizzata e trasformata in campo da golf, è stata abbracciata dal velo inafferrabile delle acque. Erano tutte storie antiche, che Xuakti aveva imparato a interiorizzare negli innumerevoli dibattiti e immersioni formative, e che la avvicinavano a quella terra che ora, insieme ai suoi parenti indigeni, quilombola, ribeirinhos, e alle colonie di biobot, stava aiutando a ricostruire. Se solo avessero iniziato prima a fare quello che dicevano da sempre.
Proprio a questo pensava Xuakti quando le ruote dell’auto hanno toccato terra e Ademar l’ha guardata sfoggiando la skin attentamente scelta: una gatta striata sovrapposta dall’anfibiotico che andava tanto di moda al nord dell’isola, dove si recavano per un incontro con il sindaco di Florianópolis e con i rappresentanti dei Poli Tecnologici che da sempre avevano le proprie sedi da quelle parti. Anche se era bianco, Ademar le piaceva. Era discendente dei popoli originari dell’isola, i manezinhos, i cui antennati erano arrivati a Florianópolis nel secolo XVIII, provenienti dalle Azzorre. L’arcipelago europeo era rimasto famoso per gli incendi che hanno devastato alcune sue isole tra il 2057 e il 2084, obbligando a un esodo di massa la popolazione, che non aveva più accesso all’acqua e ai mezzi di sussistenza, in un’epoca in cui le tecnologie di conversione dell’acqua non erano ancora disponibili – e non sarebbero state disponibili per gran parte del mondo ancora per troppo tempo, compresa la sua gente nel Xingu.
Ademar non si stancava di vantare le sue origini di bisnipote di uno degli ultimi pescatori artigianali del Campeche, l’antico quartiere del sud dell’Isola entrato a far parte del Parco. Serbava un sentimento ambiguo sull’istituzione della Riserva, che spesso considerava una prigione e una bolla fuori dalla realtà. Per Xuakti, i cui popoli avevano dovuto vivere nelle Riserve fin da tempi immemori, pena la loro totale decimazione, l’amico era troppo romantico. Anche i distinguo che faceva sul fatto che la riserva fosse stata creata da un miliardario filantropo suonavano alla maestra di geografia come discorsi che non avevano alcun senso, perché nelle memorie della sua gente, il pubblico e il privato si sono sempre mischiati.
Ma le differenze tra gli amici si fermavano lì. Per lo più, spendevano il loro tempo al Parco, lavorando, giocando a Hunthinker – gioco donato dai Poli Tecnologici agli abitanti del Parco – curando la comunità, passeggiando. A Xuakti piaceva ascoltare le storie di Ademar, sentire la proprietà con cui parlava quando camminavano nel Parco o quando, come ora, dovevano attraversare i quasi 50 km dell’isola per raggiungere la sede del potere locale. Mentre maneggiava il dispositivo per preparare i punti salienti dell’incontro, Ademar si lamentava per l’ennesima volta della mancanza di un trasporto collettivo elettrico sull’isola, che eviterebbe le ore di traffico in macchina, soprattutto ora che la viabilità nell’Autostrada principale era stata deviata per i lavori di costruzione del sesto ponte di connessione con il continente.
Lavori che duravano più di quindici anni, perché il Governo non aveva più fondi, e i privati non avevano più interesse a investire sull’isola, dopo che circa settant’anni prima l’età dell’oro dell’espansione turistica e immobiliare era finita. Chi vorrà più venire in questa selva di cemento, con una discarica fognaria a ogni 500 metri, quasi senza spiagge, e i tornado che arrivano un giorno sì e l’altro pure, si chiedevano tutti.
Fu allora che Jacob Jacob, nipote dell’omonimo magnate che rese popolare i viaggi spaziali, approfittò del crollo del mercato immobiliare soprattutto al sud dell’isola – che aveva resistito fino alla fine del XX secolo all’urbanizzazione predatoria -, e propose al governo un affare irripetibile: avrebbe comprato la concessione di 200 anni di quello che restava delle terre pubbliche del sud dell’Isola, si sarebbe accordato con i privati che vi restavano, e avrebbe costruito una gigantesca Riserva di Bio-Rigenerazione Ambientale. Nessun investimento avrebbe generato una valorizzazione così importante, assicurò Jacob, perché Ilha Brasil – il nome scelto per il parco – costruiva vite, rigenerava sistemi.
Lo slogan si rivelò veritiero. Il progetto consisteva nella realizzazione di un villaggio della rigenerabilità, un territorio di preservazione ambientale e ricolonizzazione, che puntava a ricostruire le condizioni naturali dell’isola e la sua biodiversità. Per riuscire nell’intento, il team di Jacob ha raccolto analisi e pareri di scienziati, umanisti, esperti in rigenerabilità e anche studiosi delle vecchie correnti della sostenibilità. Ha contato sui pareri dei bot sviluppati con gli algoritmi più avanzati. La conclusione comune convergeva sulla necessità di – nelle parole del bot-47235 che ha redatto il parere finale- “applicare le tecnologie più avanzate e avvalersi di sistemi culturali funzionali a stabilire una relazione attenta e di cura con la natura mitica delle cose per far emergere finalmente il mondo come plenum animico che è sempre stato”.
Il parere è stato accolto da tutti gli esperti e il team di Jacob si è impegnato nel processo di selezione in tutto il Brasile, per raccogliere l’adesione di persone e piccole comunità che rispettassero i criteri stabiliti dal parere finale. Centinaia di migliaia di persone sono state valutate, e diecimila sono state selezionate. Il loro ruolo era quello di applicare la propria conoscenza nella gestione e bi-relazionalità con boschi, foreste, mangues, fiumi, ma anche in medicine tradizionali, sciamanesimo, culinaria rigenerativa, esplorazione tecnologica, difesa, biogenetica e biorobotica, e altre competenze che sarebbero servite a creare e far fiorire la riserva, da tutti i punti di vista.
Alla fine della selezione, sono stati scelti novemila tra persone indigene, ribeirinhos, quilombolas appartenenti a piccole comunità nel nord e nordest del Brasile, mentre l’altro migliaio erano bianchi provenienti da altre regioni del Brasile e da altre parti del mondo. L’investitore ha affidato il management a un suo gruppo di fidati, e a seguito dell’inaugurazione del Parco, nel 2180, non vi ha fatto più ritorno. È deceduto pochi mesi dopo, lasciando il suo progetto in eredità condivisa tra la figlia e un bot del suo cerchio stretto.
Poco ha avuto a che fare il potere pubblico con il Parco. L’intervento dello Stato si è limitato alla concessione di licenze e permessi, agli espropri, all’autorizzazione per l’accesso ad alcune banche genetiche, e all’incentivo alle migrazioni interne e ripopolamenti. Una volta completato, il parco era completamente autosufficiente. Generava e distribuiva energia, che vendeva anche a quegli abitanti della città sprovvisti di un proprio microsistema di generazione. Contava su un proprio sistema educativo, con scuole e università, e aveva un’economia basata sulla biorobotica e sul turismo di immersione, settori altamente tecnologici in cui Jacob aveva un vantaggio competitivo grazie alle attività di suo nonno, e che attraevano una nicchia di consumatori esigenti e facoltosi. Per aiutare a convincere l’amministrazione della città a chiudere l’accordo per la realizzazione del Parco, Jacob si è impegnato a costruire una linea di conversione e rifornimento di acqua potabile gratuita, grazie alla nuova tecnologia che stava sviluppando e che voleva testare a Florianópolis.
Dopo circa un’ora di viaggio, spesa guardando un metamentario appena divulgato, Ademar e Xuakti erano arrivati a metà del cammino, nell’antico centro storico di Florianópolis, che conservava in parte l’architettura coloniale del secolo XVII, in parte i suoi ologrammi. Dei tre vecchi ponti costruiti tra gli anni ’20 e gli anni ’90 del Ventesimo secolo e che hanno aperto l’isola al continente, ne restavano soltanto due operativi, dopo importanti lavori di rinforzamento delle basi, mentre il terzo e più antico, Ponte Hercílio Luz, veniva utilizzato solo come punto di atterraggio del turismo di immersione – un’idea che il vecchio Jacob aveva fatto sottoscrivere dal governo locale.
Il traffico era intenso ma avevano tempo, ed entrambi preferivano godere la tranquillità dell’auto all’agilità degli altri veicoli elettrici. Il viaggio fino a Canasvieiras, estremo nord dell’Isola, sarebbe durato ancora un’altra ora. Superato il centro, a Xuakti piaceva disconnettersi per guardare il paesaggio, caratterizzato da una distesa interminabile di grattacieli, costruzioni biorobotiche e impianti energetici. I Poli Tecnologici erano il fiore all’occhiello degli investitori fin dai tempi remoti, quando furono concepiti come distretti dell’innovazione verso la fine del Secolo XX. Lì le raffiche di vento e le inondazioni non arrivavano con la stessa potenza distruttiva con cui giungevano nel sud dell’isola, ma i bot decontraenti non erano ancora riusciti a espellere dalle acque della baia tutto l’inquinamento che vi si era depositato in secoli di insediamento urbano e tecnologico. A Xuakti vennero in mente i giochi immersivi iperreali di acqua, che aveva fatto soprattutto all’inizio della sua permanenza sull’isola. Era bello giocare con le onde. Chissà, pensò, come sarà stato farlo per davvero. “Te lo farò vedere”, commentò Ademar, sorridendo.
Sethunarayanan Nagarajan
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
Tamil Nadu, one of the highly industrialized states in India, holds agriculture as its predominant occupation and it is considered an important coastal state in India with a coastline of 1,076 kilometers. Among the thirty-eight districts in the state, fourteen districts that share the coastline are Thiruvallur, Chennai, Chengalpattu, Villupuram, Cuddalore, Mayiladuthurai, Nagapattinam, Tiruvarur, Thanjavur, Pudukkottai, Ramanathapuram, Thoothukudi, Tirunelveli, and Kanyakumari. All these districts vary in several aspects like landscape, climate, flora and fauna, socio-economic development, business, and so on.
From Left to Right: Maps of India and Tamil Nadu (Image Credits: Google Maps)
Among these aspects, climatic change poses a great challenge and threat for the stakeholders at different timescales. It heavily impacts the lives and livelihoods of the people, who reside in the places and pushes them to transform their pattern of life at regular intervals. At present, the inhabitants of these places experience the visible consequences of climate change like intense drought, storms, heatwaves, and extreme flash floods. In this regard, the Government of Tamil Nadu (India) proposed three significant missions to combat climate change: (a) Green Tamil Nadu Mission, (b) Tamil Nadu Wetlands Mission, and (c) Tamil Nadu Climate Change Mission.The proposed missions are going to be implemented in different districts based on the landscape, challenges encountered by humans and non-human others, resources, and various other closely-related factors.
To implement the missions successfully in various parts of the state, the government has set up a special purpose vehicle named Tamil Nadu Green Climate Company (TNGCC). The TNGCC, with the support of the Tamil Nadu Infrastructure Fund Management Corporation Limited (TNIFMC), is given the responsibility to coordinate and monitor the proposed missions for the successful implementation. Some of the above-mentioned missions are furthered by multiple government departments, and private entities like educational institutions, industries, NGOs like Care Earth Trust and the Nature Conservancy India, along with the locals. Though beneficiaries, by and large, would include both humans and non-human others belonging to particular geographical locations and neighboring regions, it is difficult to evaluate their outcomes since all of these missions are in the initial stages and will take at least a decade to measure their results. Also, it would be important to include the inhabitants to identify the feasibility of the proposed missions, but there is no such sign as the missions are conceptualized and consulted largely with a team of educated individuals in governmental departments and NGOs. Neither the opinions of the locals nor their participation is considered critical for this establishment of the project. The insights of the educated individuals are heavily influenced by modern sciences rather than indigenous knowledge. Therefore, the outcomes of these initiatives are highly doubtful.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
Since there are three different initiatives, all of these initiatives cannot be viewed from a homogenized perspective but from a compartmentalized framework, based on the unique features and feasibilities that they can offer to tackle climate change. For example, the Green Tamil Nadu Mission, whichcombines both adaptation and mitigation measures, focuses on two major activities like restoration of degraded forest lands, planting trees species in places like farmlands, industrial areas, educational institutions, temple lands, public lands, and defense establishments to increase the green cover and to reduce the deforestation and land degradation. Whereas,the Tamilnadu Climate Change Missionis keen on introducing new technologies to build energy-efficient homes, develop electric vehicles, and create alternative sources of energy, which are apparent steps toward mitigating the Green House Gases. Such energy measures reduce energy waste and are cost-effective. Another initiative, the Tamil Nadu Wetlands Mission is an adaptive measure to grapple with climate change by restoring the wetlands, which can not only capture and store the carbon but reduce floods and relieve droughts. Plus, it supports biodiversity during extreme weather conditions as it serves as a habitat for birds, fishes, turtles, and other organisms besides stabilizing the shorelines and stream banks. The missions mentioned above, hence, carry both adaptation and mitigation dimensions to tackle climate change through various ways and means. The impacts of these missions can be understood holistically only when all of these missions are planned meticulously and executed within a short span of time coupled with empirical analysis of outcomes at periodic intervals. Also, the scale on which these missions are going to be executed is not only unpredictable but also a matter of concern; in other words, the qualitative and quantitative aspects of these initiatives in averting climate change have to be introspected from various perspectives. Apart from these, all of these initiatives share the responsibilities equally in engaging with climate change and addressing the issues with a wider and collaborative vision.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
Though all the three missions have exclusive objectives, in a larger aspect, all these objectives are intricately connected with one another to combat climate change. First, the objective of the Green Tamil Nadu Mission is to enhance the forest and tree cover from the existing 23.7 % to 33 % by organizing massive tree plantation programs of indigenous and diverse species to enhance the carbon sequestration potential on an average of 8 Mt every year. It may also reduce the risks that arise due to floods, droughts, landslides, and outbreaks of pests. Second, the aim of the Tamil Nadu Climate Change Mission is to create a smart infrastructure system to handle natural disasters, enhance the efficacy of public transport systems, develop educational courses, and encourage research related to climate change. Also, the important information to be noted is that all these missions are implemented in collaboration with private players like educational institutions, NGOs, and so on. Third, the Tamil Nadu Wetlands Mission plans to identify and map 100 wetlands in the state and ecologically restore them to serve as a natural sponge during flood and drought, and to protect the coastlines. All these objectives are collective and holistic to combat climate change. Though the objectives are different, their focus is to keep the emission of carbon under control.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
All these initiatives were proposed, recently, on 03.11.2021, during the Tamil Nadu budget session by the state finance minister. According to the Govt. Order No. 101, the timeline given for Green Tamil Nadu Mission and the Tamil Nadu Wetlands Mission are ten and five years respectively. There is no timeline given for the Tamil Nadu Climate Change Mission. Overall, most of these initiatives are only in the initial stages and a lot of discussion and planning should go into it before and during the implementation. In short, there are no visible effects till the present time.
Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
Major actors involved in these projects are private and public departments like Environment, Climate and Forest Department, Municipal Administration and Water Supply Department, Agriculture and Farmers Welfare Department, Public Works and Water Resources Department, academia, private sectors like industries, and NGOs, which foster a transition to climate-friendly platforms. Since NGOs, educational institutes, and many other organizations come under private sectors, they will be forced to work under political influence. Also, another significant problem typically faced in India is caste. The influence of caste can be witnessed in every aspect of governance, decision-making, planning, and so on. The members of the legislative assembly are mostly from the major caste group of the particular district and state. Although people who work in the government offices and laborers are from different castes and communities, the decisions are taken only by these representatives (MLAs) elected by the people, which mostly favors the people belonging to those castes. Sanction of loans, distribution of resources, subsidiaries, and offering of adequate facilities are challenged by the prevalence of the caste systems and caste politics. It is crucial to monitor both the distribution and utilization of resources for the successful implementation of these initiatives. Landlords may influence the local officials and get the resources required, especially monetary benefits, and later fail to meet the expectations and their level of awareness about climate change is also highly questionable. Therefore, the govt. should take necessary steps to identify the right people and educate them about the importance of these missions and empower them periodically.
Which limits does it encounter?
All these initiatives have some limitations in terms of infrastructure, financial support, feasibility, and socio-political influences. For instance, under the Green Tamil Nadu Mission, the Govt. of Tamil Nadu has planned to give materials for agroforestry to farmers to help them get additional revenue, which is believed to reduce the rate of deforestation and forest degradation. The challenge lies in how the govt. will identify the dedicated farmers and demarcate the boundaries of all those lands and monitor them closely. And to what extent does the govt. will extend support to those farmers apart from distributing the required materials like water will be a concern. Also, it has planned to increase the green cover on public lands for a ten-year duration. Now, the govt. has named educational institutes, temple lands, industrial areas, tank foreshore, and defense establishments for increasing the green cover. Excepting government-run organizations, all the other institutions are profit-oriented ones. The insufficiency of laborers to maintain those trees and places can affect the efficiency and outcome. Also, most of the family members of the landlords, and educational institutions run several other businesses. Therefore, the participation of such private players may hinder meeting the expected outcome of the missions. On the other side, some of the initiatives mentioned are already in action. But their rate of impact in tackling the challenge is highly skeptical as multiple factors play a crucial role, especially in helping people understand the urgency and required action to address the larger concerns. In short, it will have limitations at different levels – like functional, social, economic, and spatial.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
Yes. The major shortcoming is the way these initiatives are going to be taken to the public attention and consciousness and seek their support as these initiatives are at the fundamental level with clear and detailed long-term vision and planning. Also, the pace of implementation is critical as already we have started experiencing the impacts of climate change, but still, these initiatives are only in the planning and conceptual stage. The class and caste structures are widely prevalent and they dominate almost all sectors in a country like India. Another side, corporate mafias will show influence not only on the policies but on every decision made by the government. In addition, the nexus between the knowledge partners, policymakers, politicians, and the public is another great challenge because each of these stakeholders will have equal responsibility and challenge.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
Some of these initiatives can be implemented at any geographical location with some basic research about the spatial and temporal aspects of a place coupled with practical problems in terms of implementation and inside stories about the place. For example, before initiating tree plantation drives, it is important to examine the native species suitable for the specific location considering its geographical specificities like climate pattern, soil characteristics, and well-being of flora and fauna of the region. Also, it is important to understand and address the sustainability level of such projects in the given location and to conduct an impact level of those projects for a shorter and longer duration. In some contexts, better solutions may be feasible depending on the land, livelihood, and people, therefore, it is crucial to identify the functional and feasible solutions rather than adopting the initiative without any customization.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes? If yes, which?
No. First, the timeline of these projects spans about ten years and all these projects are only in the initial stages. Not only the outcomes and sustainability but the practicalities of these projects are unpredictable because other ongoing developmental projects and other proposed projects may challenge the new initiatives. For instance, wetlands are to be protected from encroachers, especially real estate mafias and industrialists, who will have planned to use the space for commercial purposes in collaboration with different MNCs. The state is also ready with plans to encourage rapid industrialization to generate income and improve the economy of the state, therefore to what extent these projects will be implemented considering the economic situation, and industrialization is debatable. Also how the government officials and public are going to be educated in terms of establishment, enhancement, and maintenance for a longer duration is doubtful.
References: “Tamil Nadu: TN to Restore 100 Wetlands in Five-Year Period: Chennai News – Times of India.” The Times of India, TOI, https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/chennai/tn-to-restore-100-wetlands-in-five-year-period/articleshow/89979669.cms. Accessed on 25 April 2022. “Tamil Nadu to Set up Climate-Smart Villages and Rehabilitate Coastal Districts as Part of Its Climate Action Initiative: The Weather Channel – Articles from The Weather Channel.” The Weather Channel, https://weather.com/en-IN/india/climate-change/news/2022-05-20-tamil-nadu-to-set-up-climate-smart-villages-for-its-cimate. Accessed on 11 April 2022. TN Govt, Orders: https://cms.tn.gov.in/sites/default/files/go/envfor_e_100_2021_Ms.pdf. Accessed on 28 March 2022. Google Maps: https://www.google.com/maps/place/Tamil+Nadu/@10.3149371,75.7168686,6.44z/data=!4 m5!3m4!1s0x3b00c582b1189633:0x559475cc463361f0!8m2!3d11.1271225!4d78.6568942. Accessed on 29 March 2022. |
by Saloni Sharma
The Dark Beauty, 21 May 2017 by “Pushpeshpant.10”, licensed under Creative Commons Attribution 4.0
The first time I went to Sanjay Van, a ridge forest along the foothills of Aravali Range in the heart of South Delhi, was on a field trip for a course on Ecosophy taught by Dr.
Aseem Srivastava at Ashoka University. As I, along with my classmates gasped in awe at this nature’s paradise — in the middle of the congested metropolis, our teacher shared with us the story of Vinod Rawat, the founder, who made the restoration of this forest his life’s mission after the death of his beloved wife.
I have visited Sanjay Van many times since. In fact, I believe it was Sanjay Van that has inspired me to follow a research career in the field of Ecological Humanities. I was humbled to share this fact with Devika Rawat, daughter-in-law of the Late Vinod Rawat, when I approached her for an interview for the present assignment. The answers to the following questions are based on my conversation with her who now leads Working with Nature (WWN), a citizen-led organisation founded by her late father-in-law.
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented?
The initiative has been implemented at Sanjay Van, a city forest that is part of Delhi’s South Central Ridge formed by the world’s oldest fold mountains, the Aravali Range. It is surrounded by densely populated areas of Mehrauli and Vasant Kunj.
Who are the promoters? Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
The promoters are Working With Nature (WWN) — a citizen-led group, and the Delhi Development Authority (DDA) under whose jurisdiction the ridge forest falls. WWN was founded by Air Vice Marshal Vinod Rawat and led under the direction and patronage of HE Tejendra Khanna, Lt. Governor of Delhi. The group has worked closely with DDA for Sanjay Van’s restoration. Ecologists, Prof. P.S. Ramakrishnan and Prof K.S. Rao, and Bird watcher, Dr. Surya Prakash, have also been part of the team along with volunteers from local areas and villages around the forest. WWN is now led by Ms. Devika Rawat, who continues the Work with Nature at Sanjay Van.
Who are the beneficiaries?
The initiative has made space for the city dwellers around to reconnect with nature and rekindle their ecological consciousness. What used to be famous as a degraded land with rumours of ghosts residing in and being a den of thugs, WWN reclaimed the city forest and restored it to its original glory. Because of the efforts of DDA and WWN, the forest now welcomes nature enthusiasts, cyclists, local residents along with everyday visitors who come for respite from the city life and engage in nature walks, yoga, and sightseeing. WWN has partnered with many local schools to carry out awareness drives and sensitise children about nature and their environment.
Importantly, the beneficiaries are also the local flora and fauna that reside inside the forest. The native Aravali trees which were almost extinct because of the plantation of Vilayati Kikar, an invasive tree species, are also one of the prime beneficiaries. The forest provides a natural habitat for many butterflies, blue bulls, a variety of snakes, small and big lizards like the monitor, golden jackals etc. Owing to the efforts by DDA and WWN, over 150 species of birds and rare migratory birds have been documented.
Sanjay Van is part of Delhi’s Ridge which is known as the lungs of the city. All the residents of the city, who might have lost a city forest to encroachment and real estate but now can celebrate the restoration of the city’s ecological heritage also benefit from this project.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
The project tackles both — mitigation as well as adaptation. The forest helps with the heavy pollution that Delhi faces every year. The tree cover cleanses the air and provides oxygen.
Additionally, Sanjay Van has a medicinal forest which consists of traditional medicinal trees. These trees are specifically good for improving the air quality.
The forest trees are resilient and adapting to the heat as the climate is getting warmer. These are native Aravali trees which belong to the Acacia family. These trees are thorny and not very tall, therefore, they do not require much water. However, they are rich with properties that benefit us and the environment.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
The primary objective of the initiative has been to restore Sanjay Van. Once the forest is restored, the other objective is to preserve it.
Within the restoration work, the goal was to restore Aravali vegetation. The native Aravali vegetation had become extinct from Sanjay Van because it was overrun by the invasive tree, Vilayati Kikar. In Hindi, Vilayati means foreign and Kikar refers to Acacia tree type. Vilayati Kikar is a foreign species which was planted in the 1990s along the periphery of Delhi. This was done to stop the arid soil from Rajasthan desert towards Delhi and to also restrict pollution from increased construction activities. In a slight oversight by the committee who was appointed for the resolution of this problem, a tree was identified which grows very fast — in about 5 years time — to provide the city with tree cover. This tree was Vilayati Kikar. It’s roots go very deep drinking away ground water and banishing other trees to take roots. Gradually, the native trees began disappearing while Vilayati Kikar proliferated.
Therefore, the objective of the project was to plant trees without uprooting Vilayati Kikar.
This year the decision to uproot these invasive trees has been passed. However, when this initiative was implemented, the challenge was to restore native Aravali vegetation without uprooting Vilayati Kikar. This was done by continuously eradicating its seed pots, uprooting young saplings and filling of open areas and extending forest cover with the native trees.
Next, the project also had the objective of making inexpensive water harvesting structures in order to recharge underground water which could provide a fertile land for rapid generation and restoration of natural biodiversity. It also arrested erosion of soil and gradually created large water bodies in the forest. Under the advisory of Dr Rajendra Singh who is known as the Waterman of Rajasthan, check dams were created and abandoned water bodies were replenished with recycled waste water. The forest now boasts 5 lakes which attract more birds. However, the upkeep and care of the water bodies is an ongoing mission.
Furthermore, the vision of WWN also posits making a bird sanctuary inside
the forest. For this, selective planting of fauna friendly vegetation has been implemented. Furthermore, regular checks to maintain sufficiently clean water at the five lakes inside the forest are undertaken so that biological life can be sustained and bird friendly fish in the ponds could be introduced. Because of these efforts, several rare birds have spotted in Sanjay van after many years of absence.
Lastly, replicating the restoration model of Sanjay Van to other ridges of Delhi is also in the vision of WWN.
The restoration work is presently in its last leg with supplementary plantation conducted annually during monsoon.
The preservation and maintainance is an ongoing drill and the role of WWN is to engage citizens in the management of their forest while also liasoning with DDA.
The real estate in Delhi is very expensive and ecroachment of land was a looming threat. The best way to overcome this challenge was to connect people to the land, get more people to come to the forest and become its guardians.
WWN connects people to the forest, raises sensitisation and awareness drives, arranges painting competitions for school children, coordinates nature walks, gather volunteers for the upkeep, engages in plantation work etc.
The main value that has guided the work of WWN is to create awareness and build a reconnection with nature. Oneness with nature is part of the traditional Indian value system and the goal of this initiative has been to rekindle these values — making people to connect with nature and care for their environment.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
The duration of the project was foreseen to be between ten and twelve years to see visible changes as trees take 8-10 years time to grow. During this period, rigorous efforts by DDA with the support from WWN were undertaken for the plantation which resulted in the survival rate of the trees at 75-80% .
The land area of Sanjay Van is 783 acres. To carry out the restoration, little pockets of land were selected to start the work. The forest has 4 layers: the taller
trees which are called the emergents, the canopy trees which provide a cover to the forest, the bushes and the creepers. The plantation therefore, had to have a balance of the four layers and the plantation was organized accordingly.
The water bodies took approximately 5 years to come up and now require regular maintenance.
Therefore, the project has taken 12 years to complete restoration and preservation efforts are endlessly going on.
Which limits does it encounter?
Since the water bodies were created with treated waste water, every now and then the untreated sewage water is pumped in the system from unauthorised colonies in the area. This can have massive repercussions for the health of the ecosystem.
This challenge is mitigated by identifying the source of untreated water. Grass is grown that separates the heavy particles. The water bodies are in step formation at different heights, and as the water goes down, it becomes cleaner. The lakes are also cleaned and oxygenated annually. Furthermore, grass that can separate chemical impurities in the water is also planted.
The second issue that was faced during restoration was the sourcing of native trees. In order to source the native saplings, volunteers travelled to Rajasthan to source the saplings of Aravali trees.
However, there are nurseries within the forest now from where the saplings can be procured for plantation.
Thirdly, encroachment and construction was a challenge, however, with more people coming in the forest, these concerns are diminishing as such activities are difficult to carry out with more people watching.
However, with more and more people coming the fourth issue arises — problem of plastic waste. Daily cleaning and picking of plastic waste is carried out, dustbin pairs have been installed throughout the forest and cleaning drives
are organised. It is however an encouraging reminder that before the restoration, the forest was a dumping ground but now with the collaborative efforts of government and citizens — DDA and WWN — the forest has come a long way.
Fifthly, the nilgai or the blue bulls in the forest are scavengers to the young plants. Pigs and cattle owned by locals in the adjacent areas sometimes graze and forage in the forest. This has negative repercussions on the ecology but such sensitive issues require solutions that promote mutual coexistence. Human tampering with plantation — deliberate or otherwise, is also an issue.
In order to check this, tree guards have been installed and when the sapling attains sufficient height, they are removed. WWN has also pushed DDA to build a boundary wall around the forest which is under construction.
Finally, there are 45 religious shrines in the 783 acres of the forest and owing to the court order which states that anything built before the 1990s cannot be demolished, the forest has to coexist with these shrines. Some of them can often interfere with the preservation and disturb the forest. However, these topics require careful treading so that such riddles of conservation are solved in a manner beneficial to ecology and local populace.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
The project’s main goal was to plant native Aravali vegetation, however, during the course, it was learnt that a rigid approach is not serving well and flexibility is crucial. A native tree called Dhak, known as ‘the flame of the forest’ — owing to its big red flowers in spring — had disappeared due to Vilayati Kikar. Because it couldn’t adapt as well as hoped, an understanding towards adaptation was realised and the absolute resolution to plant native trees was revisited.
As a result, some non native trees were planted; flexibility was incorporated to include different trees — as long as they were not invasive but friendly to the environment and good for the birds and bees. These trees adapted well to environment as opposed to the native species.
Additionally, maintenance of water has been a critical point. Because of poor water quality, a lot of migratory birds are lessening in number. Clean water invites more birds and the challenge to keep water clean is an ongoing mission.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
The model worked out by WWN and DDA at Sanjay Van is already being replicated in other ridge forests of Delhi. And, it can also be replicated anywhere in the world.
To revive a forest, trees are the most important element. Identification of the local flora is the first step because local trees adapt best to the environment and require lesser nurturing.
Secondly, revival of water sources is crucial for the sustenance of the newly restored vegetation. Check dams are already being created in many parts of the world. These dams ensure that the rain water goes into the ground and builds groundwater reserves. Additionally, it is important to make sure the soil isn’t eroded.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements, long-term sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)? If yes, which sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)?
This initiative is undoubtedly conducive to broader change as it has inspired many such initiatives being carried out across Delhi. It has fostered a sense of community with nature and promoted goodwill amongst the people it has touched.
Mainly, it has demonstrated the success of government-citizen partnership and also showcased how empowered citizens can bring positive changes to their natural environment.
Nature brings out the best in people and the restoration of Sanjay Van is one such product of this idea.
Sanjay Van was Devika’s father-in-law’s life’s purpose and mission. His ashes are dispersed there.
Saloni Sharma
Hybrid Technology offers mirroring and reprogramming of the natural gametes enabling single organism production of offsprings via external fertilization in our state-of-the-art-laboratories set in all major rehabilitation facilities. Originated at Chengdu’s Science City, the technology is now adopted by all major sovereignties. In the 4th phase of restoration of the third 10-year plan (2120-2130), Hybrid technology will be implemented in animals, both human and non-human after the succesful results in plant hybrids. Hybrid plants have ensured food safety for the implementation and generation of more hybrid species. The present plan aims to reinstate the ecological balance with the production of human and non-human hybrids and restore social order.
(Manual for Social Restoration, published in 2120)
Why would have they accepted me? I am not accepted here, how could I expect otherwise on the opposite side of the border? Have I not got any place in this world?What is my business really? Who am I? I’m a vagrant, a migrant, a hybrid…
These thoughts kept haunting Aasha as she lay on the floor of her facility unit.
It was time for strength training and she couldn’t even conjure enough strength to get up off the floor. But in an instant she erected her limbs and stood upright parallel to the wall. The thought of missing her food pills instantly charged her up with energy. Her stomach growled in anticipation as she made her way towards her meal. She swiped her card in the common pantry to dispense her pills. Today’s menu included Schezwan Potatoes and Sour Cream Onions. She swallowed two pills of each. The third one — Gulab Jamun, she sneaked in her pocket to plant outside.
This is not even remotely close to the actual sichuan flavour.
Aasha couldn’t help recall the first time she tasted the sichuan flavour — in wholefood rice form — at a rickety shack in Chengdu. Rice crops were banned in all tropical sectors many years ago when water was over. That is when hybrid fruit production was accelerated. In China, there’s water prosperity and even the poor can eat rice. When Aasha took the first bite, she smelled and tasted multitude of fragrances in a single bite — garlic, pepper, lemongrass, ginger. She can never forget the overwhelm. Excited and hungry, she gulped down three wholefood bowls. But the food couldn’t sit in her stomach for long. She experienced excruciating bowel movements that expelled the feces immediately after.
Wholefoods are unhealthy. They cause polarity in the system.
*
At the gym, she stood in the digestion position for exactly five minutes for her food to expand. She was already beginning to feel full and felt better about showing up for the strength training today. If not anything, it’d keep her guilt and shame at bay — at least for a while. She turned on the floating visual and connected with the Sportzone channel. Others were already there. She sent apologies to the e-captain and quickly began her static running.
After 5 minutes. Her sugar levels began depleting. Limbs were losing coordination. Something was wrong.
A message popped open in front of Aasha. EC: Aside
Aasha immediately logged out of the Sportzone and connected in a Direct Meeting with the Captain.
“You called for DM, Captain?”
“Your functions aren’t optimal.” “I’m sorry captain.”
“Psychic stability! Now!” “Yes, Captain”
Aasha swiped off the floating screen and wiped off her sweat. Then, she scanned her pulse and oxygen. The numbers didn’t feel accurate. She made her way back to her unit and scurried to change herself into comfortwear. She looked herself in the mirror. A pale reflection stared back at her. Their eyes were locked and tears began welling up. Aasha lowered her glance to read the tattoo on her reflection’s right arm. It read 真.
“Truth”, she muttered.
***
“There’s a storm approaching again. The power might be out for sometime. Let’s wrap up quickly. Tell me, Aasha. Your e-captain states FUNCTIONS NOT OPTIMAL.”
Aasha enlarged the floating screen to get a close look at Dr Shantaram. He had a black mole in the crevice between his left nostril and cheek — the size of a chickpea, Aasha estimated.
“You cannot serve the nation with an unhealthy mind, you know. Do you remember your goals?”
Aasha kept silent. She knew the drill. It wasn’t her first session in psychic stability. There had been multiple such sessions with the previous facilitator before her relapse over a year ago. However, this was her first encounter with Dr Shantaram.
“State your goals!” the voice was sterner this time.
Aasha surrendered, “Perform the tasks, provide for the facility, prepare for the calamity, protect the sovereignty.”
“System spots dissonance in your voice.” Aasha was silent again.
“I see in your file that you’ve been rehabilitated thrice?” “I relapsed, then re-registered.”
“You left the facility! Thrice?!” Aasha did not respond.
“So I see. You were last rehabilitated on 16.07.2201. So you’ve just returned it seems. That explains why your performance isn’t so… let’s say desirable.”
Before Aasha could respond, the screen vanished — power cut.
*
“My parent’s name was Aasha too.”
Aasha tried to study the expression on Dr Shantaram’s face. This time he seemed more candid and relaxed. The session ran on backup power and the lights in each of their background was very dim.
“Do you know the meaning of your name?”
Aasha didn’t have to respond. Dr Shantaram would respond anyway.
“Hope. And my parent did have a lot of hope I tell you. That’s why they had me in the first place. Otherwise why subject a poor spirit to the miseries of this world by conceiving them in a beaker! Perhaps, they didn’t know that the moment I’d be born, I’d be the property of North-East Indian sovereignty.
Anyway, I digress.”
He’s a hybrid!
Dr Shantaram read the expression on Aasha’s face and softly uttered, “Ya, I’m a hybrid.”
Aasha was not sure how to respond to this; she didn’t have to as Dr Shantaram continued.
“I’m a hybrid, a fortunate one at that! Fortunate to be serving this facility, the nation and inspiring young misguided hybrids like you! Do you know how I got to this position?”
Aasha was getting used to his style of communication.
“I was transferred to so many units in far off facilities… But I was determined to prove myself and be useful… So many challenges… I was tested for not just physical but mental stealth…”
Aasha zoned out and began painting her own picture of Dr Shantaram in her mind.
Perhaps, he doesn’t have any mind at all. For the mindless, it’s a smooth-sail — mindless does not resist. Head of the psychic stability — Hah!
As he was nearing the end of his soliloquy, Dr Shantaram interrupted himself to ask Aasha with a keen look, “Why did you go to China? You could go to Upper Europe, or Antarctica. Although I know UE and Antarctica haven’t taken
any migrants for many years and trafficking is also impossible via sea and air now. But why dare flee to another sovereignty? You know you wouldn’t have been accepted anyway.”
“There exists a history as old as 6000 years. And we don’t have any history at all — we’re fighting for the sovereignty of individual sectors that we don’t even belong to. And I wanted to find a community of my likes.”
“Community!” Dr Shantaram chuckled. “Child, you’re so naïve! We hybrids do not have any community! Our community is our service. That’s our survival.”
Aasha felt unsettled. She could feel the rage taking over her mind, but she was determined to not let him win over. With an exhale, she lowered her blood pressure. Dr Shantaram must have noticed the shift in her mood measurements.
“Did you go via the land route?”
Aasha fixed her gaze at his image on the screen and blurted. “I walked the path of my ancestors.”
*
“These powercuts make operations so difficult! No wonder the facilities in
N.E. sector are underperforming,” Dr Shantaram complained.
“So tell me quickly why did you relapse and go to China? You were seeking hope too, let me guess?”
“Seeking truth!”
“Ironic, I’d say. Hope seeks truth!”sneering he continued, “Hope is living in falsehood!”
Then in an instant his eyes looked away, as if in recollection from a past life, then with a raised eyebrow questioned — as if to himself, “Or is hope in the truth?”
Aasha’s eyes lit up.
***
The blaring siren shook Aasha off her sleep. She checked her wrist. It read 1600 hrs SUN EXPOSURE. Dr Shantaram prescribed a two hour sleep session and she was grateful to him for that at least as she didn’t have to toil in the production today.
Slipping into her hazmat suit, Aasha made her way towards EXIT A which opened in a wide landscape with hundreds of trees erected in straight lines alongside the long walking track leading to the Dietary Lab.
Rays of light disoriented Aasha’s vision. She felt the heat in her body radiating through her shining body suit. Queasy and unsure of the way, she found fellow trainees in the distance ahead. They were all teenage hybrids, like her — but younger and immature.
A dozen or so hybrids had gathered in clusters of two or three. It had only been ten days since Aasha was rehabilitated again to the N.E. facility. All the fellow inhabitants were new to Aasha. Old compatriots were already stationed in Environment Security Bureau. Some might have also joined the Protection Forces. She had very limited recollection of the past. However, this was not the cause of her present uneasiness. She was consumed by thoughts on another matter — a matter reverberating in another space and time.
Shaking herself out of the daze, she began treading forward.
Fellow inhabitants were walking ahead of her on a bricked path laid out in a
an uneven herringbone configuration. Aasha followed, looking down. She amused herself by stepping on every third intersection of the bricks below her feet. In her mind, she rewound the conversation with Dr Shantaram.
How can service be a community to anyone! Community builds on a place with people sharing the same context. And I don’t have a place to call my own. I don’t have people that I could say are mine. And I don’t have purpose to belong anywhere.
Anywhere but here, perhaps — back to NE Rehabilitation Facility.
She felt the urge to swipe open the floating screen and go through the transcript to corroborate her self-judgement about the performance she gave out at psychic stability. However, she could only do so after returning to the unit when surveillance was lower.
After continuous walking in peripheral compound for half an hour, tired, thirsty, Aasha paused to catch her breath. As she looked around to find fellow trainees, her gaze fell on a tree in some distance from the turn of the track.
Was it here before?
All the trees around the N.E. Facility were hybrid — producing artificially flavoured fruits which were harvested and sent to dietary labs for synthesising food pills. N.E. Facility was known for its sweet and spicy flavourings. Their Masala Tomatoes and Pickle Mangoes were exported to all the habitable continents left. Aasha’s parent worked as a harvester and this is how she knew where her food came from. In fact, it was her parent, her mother, who nurtured her interest and curiosity in non-human hybrids.
This tree before Aasha however, looked different. It had a slender trunk and an unnatural, but a natural, bend towards the solar sky. As she walked closer, Aasha observed that its trunk was slightly grazed and charred at the edges below. She went and stood under its foliage. Then, took one step closer and reached her hand out to touch the grainy bark with her gloves. Lowering herself, she examined the charred edges and stroked them gently.
This tree was a non-hybrid non-human.
***
As soon as she was back in her unit cell, Aasha read the transcript of her session with Dr Shantaram. She scanned through the bottom of the page almost immediately because apart from her vital signs and goals, the entirety of the conversation was redacted.
She again rewound the conversation in her mind.
“Hope is in the truth!” She ascertained after deep thought.
It was time for supper but Aasha chose to ignore the alarm. Instead, she ducked under her bed and reached out for her bag. An olive-green vegan- leathered diary fell on the floor.
She picked it up with a deep sigh and began flipping the pages.
*
Guanghan, Deyang, CN
18.07.2200
19:37:43
City of the 22nd century — Chengdu.
I’m here in Chengdu — the city of miracles — almost here. It was a tumultuous journey but, I made it. Spirit of my parent would be so proud. I will recreate my life here, as promised.
Seeing her radiating smile next to this diary entry, Aasha couldn’t help but smile back into the page. So very excited she was to learn the truth about her existence. Chengdu is the epitome of Hybrid Science and Spirit, and the genes of her ancestors were created right there.
Guanghan, Deyang, CN 23.07.2200
21:30:15
I ate Sichuan curry with rice today in whole food form! It was very hot and very heavy. I felt polarity in my body right after though. Nonetheless, it was an experience worth remembering.
Migrant hybrids are stationed outside the city at the subarban altitudes. This is where I live.
Next to this entry was the picture of Aasha’s in her bedspace unit. Her neighbours came to Chengdu with the same intent as hers — to find a space for themselves. Living there was temporary until years passed and they could not get the permit to enter the city.
Guanghan, Deyang, CN
7.08.2200
23:41:03
I’m recruited as a handyman to collect twigs for fire generator. This is a temporary arrangement which will assure shelter and diet. A girl next door has got the pass to the city. I might get mine soon.
That girl’s pass was stolen, Aasha recollected. There were countless migrants living in peripheries, trying to gain entry.
Moving to a new place and making adjustments in alignment with the new environment is very difficult.
So is coming back.
Aasha kept her diary aside only to pick it up right after.
*
Guanghan, Deyang, CN 31.03.2201
00:38:19
I’m here for 8+ months now. I work and sleep. My only interaction is with human- bots. They are not kind.
Guanghan, Deyang, CN
05.04.2201
01:06:45
I collect twigs from the trees for my food. I give my water to them in return — in secrecy, of course. Water is gold and hybrid trees are efficient. They do not require water, they say. But I know that they do. The human-bot doesn’t understand that this earth is depleted of water.
Guanghan, Deyang, CN 06.04.2201
00:55:19
A human bot came and said, I cannot plant my seed here. I cannot water the trees. It’s their trees. The earth is theirs. The sky is theirs. I do not belong here.
Was it the human-bot or a huMan who said this?
Guanghan, Deyang, CN 07.05.2201
02:14:57
I was placed in detention camp for planting my seed. I’m back now. I came here to find my truth and realise my potential — to trace back the footsteps of my ancestors. I think, they were not real. Nothing is real.
A bright moon hangs on moonless nights. This moon does remind me of my family when I look up in the face of this moon — and long for my family that doesn’t exist.
The trees are artificial, the moon is artificial, the earth is artificial. And if it is so, huMan made it. It belongs to them. Not me. So where do I belong? What belongs to me?
Am I artificial too?
Chenghua, Chengdu, CN 10.05.2201
01:45:43
I got the tourist pass today to enter the city. My tokens are over but I’m going back. I went to the Panda Retreat instead of the Science City. Something in me said, that I wouldn’t belong there. So, I chose to visit pandas.
I looked at many. All of them had traces of life — preserved and survived by huMan. We cannot survive without our body suit. Countless non-humans died. Panda lives — victory of culture.
Aasha could relate to the panda, she too lived in a cage, closely monitored. She too was preserved for her gene. Looking at the panda, she felt a desperate urge to return back to the cage she’d come from.
***
A yellow-white leaf fell out in Aasha’s lap as she closed the flap of her hard bound diary. A buddhist monk had handed this leaf on her journey in the silk
route tunnel at Jibin. It was a brief encounter, but she remembered it vividly.
She stared at the leaf and saw in it the dingy tunnel that she spent twelve days walking in.
The journey was tiring and Aasha did not have the strength to go on, yet she persisted. There were hundreds of others moving along on foot with her. Without proper sources of hydration and sun exposure everyone just kept walking like zombies. There were people from all corners of the subcontinent — trafficking themselves collectively in small groups to avoid any kind of suspicion or threat. Some had lost their lands and livelihood to the sea, some were hybrids or other lesser minorities hoping to rebuild their identity, some were fleeing the new strain of viruses, but all were migrating with the same hope.
At a junction which branched out in all directions, her group was made to stop at a threat signal. Some were panicking and some were too exhausted to resist. Amidst the congestion, they decided to climb out into a connecting village that was on the border of Tibet and Sichuan — to rest and refuel their spirits.
The place was alive and everyone in Aasha’s group suddenly felt alive themselves as they walked past it. Aasha was walking on a street unknown, towards an unknown destination with people she barely knew. She was nervous but excited with anticipation.
Then, Aasha spotted a tattoo parlour on the way. She was determined to go inside and commemorate this moment on her body. A renewed Aasha who will rebuild a new life henceforth, she ended up spending all her tokens to get a permanent imprint that would remind her to keep going.
As she came out of the parlour, everyone in her group turned to look at the hybrid’s tattoo. At that moment, Aasha met the eyes of a buddhist monk who was travelling in the preceding group — that had to cross the tunnel a day
earlier; however, because of a landslide, the exit was blocked and they were stuck with the same lot as Aasha’s.
The monk walked over to Aasha and expressed admiration for her spirit. He gave her the leaf as a symbol of luck and said — remember who you are.
Soon after, they parted ways to go in separate tunnels.
There was nothing on the leaf, nothing written. It was an old dried leaf of a rare non-hybrid tree or plant.
Aasha looked at the leaf and recalled his words “Remember who you are…” Then she repeated the same words in a question to herself.
***
It was the middle of the night. She needed to oxygenate her mind. Aasha climbed out of her bed and slipped into her body suit.
She had escaped the facility check countless times, although in the records, she had only absconded thrice, which couldn’t have been left undetected as they were longer than simple overnight escapes. Aasha was masterful at cracking the security checks of the facility — a useful skill passed down by her hybrid parent. And tonight was yet another night to flee into the open sky.
*
Aasha ran out of the facility from EXIT C and circled her way around the periphery towards EXIT A.
It was dark, but she had worn her night glasses to navigate her way forward.
She was going back to meet the tree she had discovered in the afternoon.
When she got there, she took the Gulab Jamun pill she had dispensed for breakfast and in a small hole in the earth that she made with the heel of her shoe, carefully sowed it. This would become a hybrid tree of a rose flavoured jamun.
Hopefully.
She looked up at the non-hybrid tree from where she was still squatting. She rose and walked up closer. In an impulse she hugged the tree, feeling the uneven bark touch against her chest through her body suit. She took off her gloves, and once again caressed the charred edges of the tree. And as she did, she whispered, “You are my hope.”
And I am yours.
***
Grace López Realpe, Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales (FLACSO)
“We conserve and recover the water sources of the Metropolitan District of Quito”
The Fund for the Protection of Water (FONAG) is “an alliance of people, institutions, and communities committed to the conservation and restoration of the water sources of the Metropolitan District of Quito (DMQ)” (FONAG 2019). It was created in 2000 through a Constitution Agreement between the Empresa Pública Municipal de Agua Potable (EPMAPS, the Municipal Sewer and Potable Water Company of Quito) and The Nature Conservancy (TNC), as a private commercial trust with a useful life of 80 years and which is regulated by Ecuador’s Securities Market Law (FLACSO-PNUMA 2011).
FONAG’s mission is to protect the watersheds that supply water to the DMQ, working together with local stakeholders. In order to achieve its objective, it executes programs and projects of conservation, ecological restoration, and environmental education through a financial mechanism. In summary, the fund seeks to create “a new culture of water and integrated management of water resources” (FONAG, 2019). Other constituents of the trust, which subsequently joined, are Empresa Eléctrica Quito (EEQ, Electric Company), Cervecería Nacional (CN, National Brewery), Tesalia Springs CBC, and Consorcio de Capacitación en el Manejo de Los Recursos Naturales Renovables (CAMAREN, Renewable Natural Resources Management Training Consortium), which is part of the constituents of FONAG since 2010, because the Swiss Cooperation (COSUDE), a partner since 2005, transferred its contributions to the Consortium (FONAG 2019) (Figure 1).
The trust works as an endowment fund which gets contributions from citizens through their payments to public companies and contributions from public and private institutions (FLACSO-PNUMA 2011). Currently, the contribution represents 2% of the fixed amount from sales of potable water and sewerage of the EPMAPS. This was established through Ordinance 213 (Concejo Metropolitano de Quito 2007). The remaining equity of the trust corresponds to annual fixed amounts paid by the other constituents. The equity returns are used for investment in projects for the conservation, restoration, and maintenance of the water basins from which the DMQ is supplied (FLACSO-PNUMA 2011). FONAG’s actions are located in the provinces of Pichincha and Napo, in nine areas: Pisque, Papallacta, Antisana, Pita, San Pedro, Pichincha – Atacazo, Mindo, Nororiente (Northeast), and Noroccidente (Northwest) (Figure 2).
FONAG divides its activities into four programs: Water Management, Vegetation Cover Recovery, Sustainable Water Conservation Areas, and Environmental Education (FONAG 2019). Concerning climate change, its initiatives are mainly related to the adaptive management of water, through the protection of conservation areas that allow the “reduction of risk in the face of climate change through the integrated management of water resources and promoting nature-based solutions when appropriate” (PACQ 2020). FONAG’s main scope of action is that of Water Source Areas (WSAs), where awareness-raising and education strategies are carried out for key actors; generation of technical, environmental, and social information; restoration of vegetation and soil cover; and conservation of wetlands, páramo, forests, and scrublands (Coronel 2019). Regarding mitigation, there is an important job made by the Vegetation Cover Recovery Program and Sustainable Water Conservation Areas, that allow the protection of relevant ecosystems for carbon capture and storage (wetlands, páramo, and forests).
FONAG’s vision is “to be recognized by Quito inhabitants and internationally as a benchmark in the conservation of water source ecosystems” (FONAG 2019) through the development of projects with a technical, social equity, and sustainability approach. These projects and programs are executed with the creation of alliances based on trust, will, and commitment, for which sustainability agreements are reached with communities and private actors, formalized, and put into practice through comprehensive action plans that include conservation and sustainability commitments.
Some of the private companies involved are the National Brewery (CN) and Tesalia CBC, with whom awareness campaigns are carried out on the origin of water as they are large users of it. Environmental education campaigns are conducted with teachers from schools located in areas of water interest that link art and education (Figure 3), involving professional artists (theater, music, puppets, etc.). In the field of environmental communication, awareness-raising tours are carried out with key actors (for example, boys and girls in the fifth year of basic education, the media, authorities, constituents of the fund, among others). Likewise, FONAG led the formation of the Environmental Education Network (REA Quito) in 2013, “a proactive network that seeks to promote and articulate environmental education in the Metropolitan District of Quito” (FONAG 2019).
In its 21 years of operation, FONAG has registered several important achievements such as: establishing a body of 23 páramo guardians that manage 19,870 acres of “own” lands bought by EPMAPS or FONAG itself; signing of 18 conservation agreements with private and community owners for 6,593 acres; restoration of 15,374.51 acres of degraded and historically overgrazed páramo; establishment of 4 monitoring sites that generate relevant information for decision-making; 46,725 participants in education and awareness-raising processes on the importance of water source ecosystems; establishment of the Agua y Páramo Scientific Station that links researchers with decision-makers and monitoring the impact of their interventions that have generated an average annual yield of 7.5% (Coronel 2019, FONAG 2019).
FONAG is led by a Technical Secretary and has a working team of 21 technicians, 23 páramo guardians, 7 educators, 3 communicators, 3 operational/logistics, and 6 administrative. Team members come from various professional areas such as hydrology, biology, ecology, geography, sociology, finance, education, and more. The páramo guardians are the core team in the surveillance and monitoring of water sources because they sustain the community work since they are women and men natives of the communities and nearby towns of these ecosystems who are connected with their environment and work directly with FONAG.
The trust structure provides FONAG with two vital features to be successful: financial resources and time (Coronel 2019). One of the challenges is to keep building synergies with its constituents and strategic allies in order to articulate efforts around water. Another critical point regarding water sources in Quito is the high consumption of drinking water, mainly in the urban areas, while the rural areas are scarce. According to EPMAPS (2015), a family from Quito uses an average of 24 thousand liters of drinking water monthly which represents an endowment of 200 liters by a person daily, approximately. And although this does not represent FONAG’s scope of action but EPMAPS’ one, it is necessary to work in a coordinated manner in awareness programs to promote co-responsibility between citizens.
Another challenge is to improve pedagogical planning and the evaluation system to transcend traditional behaviorist education and change perspectives to a constructivist environmental education according to Fernanda Olmedo (FONAG’s Environmental Education Coordinator). She also mentioned that it is necessary to strengthen the gender and ethnic approach in FONAG’s programs. Additionally, work is being done to expand the work to other water supply areas for the city, such as the Chocó Andino, where FONAG does not have a major impact at the moment.
The trust model lets FONAG have permanent income that has helped to maintain programs within the years, bringing good results. This is a model that could serve as a reference to expanding in other latitudes. As a remarkable fact, FONAG got to declare the Reserve Ponce-Paluguillo as the first Water Protection Area (APH) for the country, and South America, in 2018. This was feasible due to the joint work between FONAG, Secretaría Nacional del Agua (SENAGUA, National Water Secretariat), the contribution of the private landowner, Camilo Ponce Gangotena, and the users from Junta Administradora de Agua Potable San José del Tablón (Potable Water Administration Community Board), Junta de Riego de San José del Tablón (Irrigation Community Board) and Asociación de Pequeños Productores y Comercializadores de Hortalizas y Animales Menores el Tablón (Association from Small Vegetable Producers and Small Animals Vendors) (Ministerio del Ambiente 2018). Located in the way Pifo-Papallacta, this reserve comprises 4,260.63 acres and it is an important area for water catchment for Quito as well as a refuge for animals such as the spectacled bear, the Andean tapir, the condor, among others (Diario La Hora 2018). In this area, an Interpretation Center was built where environmental education activities are performed for diverse stakeholders.
FONAG has managed to work in a coordinated manner with the National Parks and Protected Areas (PANE), such as the Ilinizas, the Cotopaxi, the Antisana, and the Cayambe-Coca. It also manages the Water Conservation Areas: Antisana (Figure 4), Atacazo, and Alto Pita which are important in the provision of water for Quito. Ultimately, FONAG plays a key role to maintain a sustainable water cycle and water security in Quito since it has developed the power to convene different stakeholders around a common goal through long-term planning.
References
Concejo Metropolitano de Quito. 2007. Ordenanza Municipal Nº 213: Ordenanza Sustitutiva del Título V “Del Medio Ambiente” Protección de las Cuencas Hidrográficas que abastecen al Municipio del Distrito Metropolitano de Quito.
Coronel, Lorena (FONAG). 2019. Los Caminos Del Agua – FONAG: Trabajos y Aprendizajes.
Diario La Hora. «Ponce-Paluguillo, primera reserva hídrica ecuatoriana.». 03 de diciembre de 2018. https://lahora.com.ec/noticia/1102205316/ponce-paluguillo-primera-reserva-hidrica-ecuatoriana (último acceso: 30 de julio de 2021).
EPMAPS – Empresa Pública Metropolitana de Agua Potable y Saneamiento del Distrito Metropolitano de Quito. 2015. Memoria de Sostenibilidad.
FLACSO-PNUMA. 2011. Perspectivas Del Ambiente y Cambio Climático En El Medio Urbano Quito: ECCO DMQ. Programa de Las Naciones Unidas Para El Medio Ambiente PNUMA. www.flacso.org.ec
FONAG. Fondo para la Protección del Agua, Conócenos, Qué hacemos. 2019. http://www.fonag.org.ec/web/conocenos-2/ (último acceso: 15 de julio de 2021).
FONAG. Fondo para la Protección del Agua, Programas, Educación Ambiental. 2019. http://www.fonag.org.ec/web/programas/educacion-ambiental/ (último acceso: 20 de julio de 2021).
Ministerio del Ambiente. Ponce-Paluguillo es declarada la primer Área de Protección Hídrica del Ecuador y de la región. 03 de diciembre de 2018. https://www.ambiente.gob.ec/ponce-paluguillo-es-declarada-la-primer-area-de-proteccion-hidrica-del-ecuador-y-de-la-region/ (último acceso: 25 de julio de 2021).
Secretaría de Ambiente del Distrito Metropolitano de Quito y C40. 2020. Plan de Acción de Cambio Climático de Quito 2020. Primera edición. Quito, Ecuador: Municipio del Distrito Metropolitano de Quito.
For this entry, an in-depth interview was conducted with the Coordinator of the Environmental Education Program of FONAG, Fernanda Olmedo. Also, documentary research was done. Finally, information was collected from FONAG’s webpage: http://www.fonag.org.ec/web/
Olga Rouchouze
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
The Chronovélo project is a new network of bicycle paths structuring the Grenoble metropolitan area by linking 11 communes to the city center of Grenoble, a city located in the southeast of France. This large-scale project brings together the entire Grenoble conurbation (cities and towns), called the Métropole, and was initiated by the Grenoble municipality in 2016 and more specifically by its mayor Eric Piolle (from Europe Ecology – The Greens party). The development of this extensive network of bicycle paths will benefit all citizens using their bicycles (whether for leisure, work, or as a simple means of transport), as it will facilitate their itineraries, improve their safety, and also encourage novices to consider the bicycle as a valuable and obvious alternative to the private car. In the longer term, the development of the Chronovélo network will prove beneficial to all the inhabitants of the Grenoble valley. Indeed, air pollution, a worrying problem in the valley, and CO2 emissions will be significantly reduced if the objectives for the use of bicycle paths are met.
How this initiative engages with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
Transportation is the sector of activity that contributes the most to France’s greenhouse gas emissions: in 2017, transportation accounts for 30% (no less than 134 Mt CO2 eq) of French emissions, an increase in the sector’s emissions of 13% compared to 1990. This share of emissions is mainly due to the movement of people by private car (32.5 million vehicles in France). The private car is thus responsible for 53% of the transport sector’s emissions, which corresponds to 16% of all national emissions. Transportation therefore appears to be a sector with high stakes that needs to be reformed as part of the fight against global warming.
In the Alps, the mountainous massif surrounding the city of Grenoble, global warming is twice as fast, and its consequences are twice as marked as in the rest of France. In this context, Grenoble was the first French local authority to set up a Climate Plan in 2005 with a view to combating climate change and limiting its immediate effects on the population and the environment. Grenoble is a city embedded between 3 mountain ranges, which limits its urban sprawl. As a result, it is a city with a high population density (3rd densest city in France outside the Ile-de-France region with 8,861 inhabitants per km²), and the metropolis has been forced to establish a mobility and urban travel plan. The mobility plan policy aims to optimize travel, reduce the use of private cars in favor of alternative modes of travel (public transportation, carpooling, cycling, etc.) in order to improve air quality (pollution and fine particles overall), reduce noise pollution, and reduce transport-related CO2 emissions. But Grenoble is also the flattest city in France, which is an asset when it comes to cycling. It’s in this privileged environment that the Chronovélo project is part of a strategy to mitigate climate change by limiting the sources of greenhouse gases.
A citizen who takes his or her bike to work from home, 8 km on average in the Grenoble metropolis, 320 days a year, avoids the emission of 0.6 tons of CO2 into the air, the equivalent of a one-way plane trip to New York for a single passenger. If only 10% of all city trips in the world were made by bicycle, CO2 emissions from transportation would be reduced by 7%, a not insignificant reduction in greenhouse gases when you consider the urgency of the situation.
A bike rented from the Metrovélo on one of Chronovélo’s traffic routes, the bike paths are distinguished by their important visual markings (to warn of directions, intersections, crosswalks) and by their width: 4m here (to be able to overtake safely).
Photo credit: Grenoble-Alpes Métropole https://www.grenoblealpesmetropole.fr/actualite/306/104-chronovelo-un-nouvel-itineraire-entre-meylan-et-grenoble.htm
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
The city of Grenoble and the Grenoble-Alpes Métropole, both carriers of the Chronovélo project, have set the ambitious goal of reducing fine particles in the air by 40% and greenhouse gas emissions by 50% by 2022. The two institutions hope to achieve these goals by making cycling an integral part of the Grenoble inhabitants’ lifestyle by “transforming occasional practices into daily habits to triple the modal share of cycling by 2022,” says Christophe Ferrari, President of Grenoble-Alpes Métropole (interview with Sébastien Marrec for Gre.mag, May 2020). As for the values behind the Chronovélo project, the Metropolis says it wants to make bicycles accessible to all, and in particular to develop their use in the city’s working-class neighborhoods in order to initiate good ecological practices and already start raising awareness among future generations. According to a study by CEREMA (Center for Study and Expertise on Risks, the Environment, Mobility and Development in English), two-thirds of trips in urban areas are less than 3 km long and 60% of trips between 1 and 3 km are made by car. The mayor of Grenoble, Éric Piolle, personally maintains that the bicycle as a means of daily transportation has only advantages: “A non-negligible time saving, less exposure to pollution compared to a trip by car or even on foot, daily physical activity, cheaper because there is no insurance or fuel, there are only positive benefits, and that’s what makes the bicycle an excellent alternative and a serious competitor to the private car, while remaining a means of travel that complements public transit. “he said in 2019.
The objectives of Chronovélo are to democratize, facilitate, encourage and secure cycling in all circumstances (Chronovélo report by Grenoble-Alpes Métropole, 2018). To achieve this, Chronovélo offers cyclists direct, long-distance routes linking the communes of neighboring valleys to the city center, thereby optimizing travel times. The Chronovélo bicycle network thus includes more than 350 km of comfortable bicycle paths (separated from the roadway from motorized transport and sidewalks, bicycle paths up to 4 m wide) and secured by very important visual road markings (including direction indications, color coding, road intersection and crosswalk signs). Chronovélo has also inaugurated less than 12,000 secure parking spaces for bicycles and some 50 service areas dedicated to bicycles throughout the network (including a map of the bicycle network, a rest area, a bicycle pump). To attract a new public (seniors, families with young children), the municipality has bet on the 30km/h speed limit that will be generalized on more than 80% of the traffic lanes since 2017. This project directly gave birth to the Métrovélo service: an agency offering 7,000 bicycles for rent (long and short term, subscriptions available) and which takes care of the maintenance and repair of its bike fleet, as well as personal bikes. The city has also built 4 park-and-ride facilities at the entrance to the city for people who live too far away but work in Grenoble to come exclusively by bike to facilitate intermodality between individual transportation, public transportation and cycling. Regular maintenance of the cycling facilities is carried out by the Métropole’s staff.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
In 2014, when Mayor Eric Piolle was elected mayor, the city of Grenoble already had bicycle lanes, on the roadway shared with other motorized vehicles. This arrangement was poorly adapted to intensive and popular use, and above all reserved exclusively for the inhabitants of Grenoble itself, as the city was not easily accessible to neighboring municipalities by bicycle. It is in this context that the Chronovélo project was born in 2016 and has been in the development phase since 2014. The development work is spread over 4 years and should be completed by 2020 with the full commissioning of the network, which includes 350km of cycle paths throughout the Grenoble metropolis.
In France, in 2017, 1.9% of the working population will cycle to work. In the Grenoble metropolitan area, the rate is 5%, and in Grenoble itself it is no less than 15.2%, a score that now makes Grenoble the second-biggest city in France for commuting by bike. In 2014, cycling in Grenoble was far from reaching such a large proportion of the population, since at the time only 7% of home-to-work trips were made by bike. In the Grenoble metropolitan area, nearly 70,000 daily cycle journeys will be recorded in 2019 thanks to meters placed along the Chronovélo cycle paths. Cycling trips increased by 30% between 2018 and 2019, the year corresponding to the inauguration of a major section of the Chronovélo network linking four additional municipalities to downtown Grenoble. The positive effects of Chronovélo on the population are therefore directly visible, over the last 3 years at least. Other measures such as the 50% reimbursement of bicycle rental costs by employers must have contributed to the rapid development of cycling among the population. Through its measures taken on transportation, the city of Grenoble (3rd densest city in France) proves that the reduction of road traffic can be decoupled from population growth. As for CO2 emissions, the city estimates that it has already reduced them by 25% between 2005 and 2017, thus getting closer to the announced objective of a 50% reduction by 2030, a stricter regulation than that imposed by the government at the national level.
Map of cycling routes (320 km) linking the 3 neighboring valleys and the 11 communes.
Plan from Grenoble-Alpes Métropole
Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
Chronovélo brings together the city of Grenoble and several neighboring municipalities in the 3 valleys surrounding Grenoble. To carry out such a project, a dialogue was established between several institutions. First, the municipality of Grenoble, which is at the origin of this project, and the Métropole Grenoble-Alpes, has managed to bring together different actors to collaborate and achieve Chronovélo. The following are therefore involved as Chronovélo actors: the joint union for public transportation (SMTC in French), which organizes the mobilities of the Grenoble metropolis, the Métrovélo agency, which offers bike rentals for everyone, and the municipalities of the neighboring communes concerned to plan urban development and the development of “soft mobilities” throughout the region. The main actors are therefore administrative institutions (executive or legislative), but we must not forget the users of the Chronovélo network: they are regularly consulted for their opinions and feedback on the infrastructures made available, on the state of the network, on new developments and on possible improvements to be made to perfect the Chronovélo result. As users are all invited to respond to public surveys or are drawn at random for consultation at project meetings, they come from diverse and varied social backgrounds and no one profile is favored. Accessibility is also one of the important points, underlined by Eric Piolle as crucial for integrating the entire population of the agglomeration without excluding the popular districts of the city from cycling.
Which limits (institutional, physical, social, etc.) does it encounter?
As this project was initiated by municipalities, there is almost no institutional restraint. The main obstacle is to be found among the citizens of the Grenoble metropolis, who still appreciate the selfish comfort of the individual car. The Chronovélo project is intended to be accessible to all citizens, regardless of their social background. However, it will be necessary to go through a phase of raising awareness about cycling to really attract new users, as is already being done in some of the city’s working-class neighborhoods. There is also an urgent need for work on the enforcement of the traffic regulations code and on the sharing of the road among cyclists: they are users who can ride at the same speed as motorized vehicles in city centers, and their cohabitation with pedestrians and scooters is not yet rooted in the habits and mentalities of cyclists. Nor should it be forgotten that cyclists remain vulnerable road users, with relatively little protection from cars, buses and streetcars.
A service area on the Chronovélo network, which includes a map of the bicycle network, a bicycle pump and a bench to rest on.
Photo credit: Sébastien Marrec
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
On the other hand, not all citizens can ride a bicycle. Person with reduced mobility and disabled citizens do not have access to this mode of transportation. To compensate for this shortcoming, the SMTC (joint union for public transportation) has made it mandatory to make all public transit systems accessible to wheelchairs, walkers and blind people. They have also decided to set up shuttles available on request to carry out complex journeys for people with disabilities (connections between buses, streetcars, poorly served neighborhoods, etc.).
One of the critical points frequently raised by citizens opposed to the Chronovélo project is the drop in traffic in the downtown area. In fact, the downtown cycling facilities have drastically reduced car traffic and merchants complain that their clientele has almost halved since the start of the development work. The decline in commercial attractiveness in the city center is worrying some people because it could gradually kill off independent shops in favor of the large supermarkets on the outskirts of the city.
Another problem concerning the Chronovélo project that deserves to be raised concerns excessive overurbanization under concrete. Numerous routes have been laid out and paved since 2016 in Grenoble and its surroundings, and the massive overbuilding is altering the absorption capacity of the soil, thus increasing flooding and also harming biodiversity, making the ecosystems of the Alps fragile, despite the fact that they are vulnerable to the accelerated global warming they are undergoing. Moreover, overurbanization leads to a reduction in the share of nature (vegetation and soils) which act as carbon sinks, absorbing large quantities of CO2, an indispensable asset for improving air quality in urban areas.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
Grenoble has just been awarded the title of European Green Capital for 2022, a distinction that shows its commitment to fighting global warming and wishes to highlight its ecological initiatives by setting an example and inspiring other cities to invest in an ecological and sustainable policy. The Chronovélo project is specific to Grenoble (flat city, dense population…) but some initiatives and ideas can be transposed to other urban settings, while considering the specificities of each environment. Investment and public awareness are also struggling to be adopted and implemented because it is the citizens who elect and choose policies on a larger scale.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements, long-term sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)? If yes, which?
The development of the Chronovélo project throughout the metropolis has led to effective measures to support cycling and the use of public transportation: monthly season tickets (public transportation, bicycle) are 50% paid for by employers (or even up to 100% in some companies), and the same goes for carpooling services, which are now 100% paid for. Another emblematic measure is the traffic speed, which has been increased to 30km/h in the city.
On a broader scale, the “Loi des Mobilités Orientées” (law of oriented mobility in English), passed in 2019, aims to increase the proportion of trips by bicycle from 3% to 9%, by increasing intermodality between different means of transportation (bicycles allowed on trains, buses, light rail, etc.), by offering a sustainable mobility bonus (up to €400 per year), by introducing symbolic recognition of the right to active mobility, and by providing a generalized bicycle learning program starting in middle school.
Changing the habits of citizens is, in the long term, what will be most conducive to changing mentalities over the generations. Raising public awareness of issues such as “soft mobility” means that mentalities are changing, and that citizens are more sensitive and inclined to ecology and environmental protection approaches.
Documents used:
Plan Climat Air Energie Métropolitain 2020 – 2030 (Metropolitan Air Energy Climate Plan in English), Grenoble-Alpes Métropole, February 2020
Plan de déplacements et de mobilité urbaine 2030 (Transportation and Urban Mobility Plan 2030 in English), SMTC, November 2019
Rapport du projet Chronovélo (Chronovélo Project report in English), Grenoble-Alpes Métropole & Ville de Grenoble, December 2018
Visited sites:
Ministère de la Transition Ecologique et Solidaire – MTES (Ministry of Ecological and Solidarity Transition in English): https://www.ecologie.gouv.fr/
Agence de l’environnement et de la maîtrise de l’énergie – ADEME (Agency for Environment and Energy Management in English): https://www.ademe.fr/
Centre interprofessionnel technique d’études de la pollution atmosphérique – CITEPA (Interprofessional Technical Centre for Air Pollution Studies in English): https://www.citepa.org/fr/
The Hortas Cariocas Program is a project of the City of Rio de Janeiro in partnership with dozens of local leaders from the city’s favelas, for the realization of community urban gardens. According to the 2010 census, more than 1.3 million people live in favelas in the municipality or 22% of the total population (6.2 million). Favelas are residential communities in which many are in a situation of socio-environmental vulnerability due to landslides, food, and financial insecurity, low self-esteem, situations of risk of urban social violence, etc.
In seeking to associate income generation and healthy food production, local community leaders (residents’ association presidents, school principals, etc.) contact the Rio de Janeiro Municipal Environment Secretariat to join the program. With adherence, the government guarantees financial aid for more than 200 local gardeners, in addition to tools, uniforms, individual protective equipment, seeds and seedlings, organic fertilizers, and the technical knowledge of agronomists. With labor and local knowledge, community work generates food and income. Of the total agricultural production (82 tonnes in 2020), half is destined for commercialization at subsidized prices, and the other half is dedicated to donations to the community itself – for daycare centers, nursing homes, shelters, orphanages, families in
situations of food vulnerability indicated by the residents’ association. Only in the community garden of Manguinhos, the largest community garden in Latin America, thousands are benefited.
In addition to generating income and food, another great advantage of the program is the interaction with the land. The creator and executor of the project, Julio Cesar Barros, comments that many go to the gardens to do “mental hygiene”, to clear the bush and interact with the land. According to him, “the carioca lost his rural reference, and we needed to restore in the children. [Nowadays] half of the gardens are in schools ”. There, hundreds of children take practical classes in the garden, in addition to curriculum classes such as math and even history. And of course, they eat vegetables without pesticides that they themselves planted, cared for, and watched grow. Although daily work is not mandatory, children love it. When they get home, these children encourage their parents to eat better, to have a healthier relationship with the land, and to rescue the rural reference for them. The production complements school meals, part of which is donated to the neediest families. Teachers are also benefited because in the gardens they have medicinal herbs such as chamomile and lemon balm that they “need to be able to hold their nerves”, jokes Julio Cesar.
The success of Hortas Cariocas is when the community garden asks for its emancipation from the program itself. Although they lose financial aid, they have the freedom to trade all their production and not just half. Generating income and producing food locally is an efficient way to generate a local economy, reduce the consumption of fossil fuels, encourage healthy eating, and other results directly linked to mitigating climate change.
The spaces occupied by the community gardens were marked by strong socioenvironmental vulnerability, especially in old dumps (areas of irregular garbage disposal) and landslide areas. With the occupation, residents now have access to these green areas and the dignity of being able to work for their own livelihood. It is in this way that the Hortas Cariocas Program structures its main objectives: to popularize the consumption of organic food, to prevent the occupation of vulnerable areas such as the ones above, to generate local income in the communities served, to stimulate agroecological agriculture in the city, to disseminate healthy eating habits and rural education in schools, reduce food security.
The project’s history goes back to a landslide event after heavy rain in 2006, where many were displaced. Instead of following the constant confrontation between public authorities and residents about the use of these risk areas, the Municipal Secretariat for the Environment bet on the project formulated by its agronomist Julio Cesar Barros. Thus, the first vegetable garden emerged in the same year, a collective social area of the community, where people support and protect. In 2021, there are already 49 vegetable gardens around the city, some of which have already been emancipated and commercialize all their production. Along with Julio Cesar, a huge contingent of association presidents, school directors, gardeners, supervisors, and many other partners work directly in the production of vegetables.
A mark of success is the emancipation of the vegetable garden, as said before. And a sad mark is leaving a garden for lack of results, whether due to lack of adherence or other reasons, the fact is interpreted as a reflection of the fact that you invested wrongly. Internally, as a program of the municipal government of a large city, such as Rio de Janeiro, Hortas Cariocas experienced some adversities. With the entry and exit of mayors in municipal administrations, things can get complicated. However, the biggest complications are now with the delay in renewing support contracts, an unprecedented crisis. The support of agronomists, cars, trucks, administrative assistants are essential for the program to work, data generation, seedling flows, assistance to gardeners, and the implementation of innovations such as a drip system that saves water resources and an aquaponics system combining fish and vegetable gardens with a capacity of 2 tons of tilapia in the first year.
The initiative is easily replicable in other cities around the world. The main criterion is to already have a local initiative, a mobilized group where the need to build a community garden in the community is already discussed. The partnership with the city hall or other public or private institution is carried out with financial assistance for those involved, technical training for planting and management of gardens, provision of equipment and material, etc. The social return is immeasurable.