List of experiences: TOTAL RESULTS 66
By Farzana Bashiri
The Case of a Grassroots Initiative in Iran
The Nature Schools
By Farzana Bashiri
What’s the problem?
A million-years evolutionary journey has dedicated humans the chance to sustain life on the planet and flourish as a species in concert with Earth’s other inhabitants. However, the perceived and actual separation between human and nature created by the current state of developments in our modern paradigms of living, has many obvious detrimental consequences for humans themselves as individuals and as a society. Within the spectrum of living conditions, perhaps urban dwelling is the most alienating to nature for humans and other species. As we have increasingly become an urban population in the world, some ecologists fear the future of a species dissociated with its natural origins from early childhood (Kahn & Kellert, 2002; Vahabzadeh, 2020; Behruz & Zarghami, 2018). Scientific studies on early childhood developments that show the crucial role of contact with nature in a healthy multi-dimensional childhood flourishing, are not few (Kahn & Kellert, 2002; Wilson, 2007). Although the mindset of domination over nature is found responsible for various ecological crises we face today, a reconnection with nature is proposed as a healing for the aching soul of a biophilic creature in sunder.
The Story of Nature Schools in Iran
One effort to show a way forward for connection and rooting in nature from early childhood has been the Nature School initiative. The idea has been simple yet challenging; nature is an enriching environment for children’s learning and development, so just let children play freely in nature. Forging on this simple assumption, the activists of Nature Schools try to create an enriching natural environment for children, chiefly mimicking a traditional rural life of their own region. The main issue that creates a lack of enriching natural environment for children is the modernization and rapid urbanization paradigm and the demographic shift from large families to smaller families (Burns & Manouchehri, 2020). Perhaps the image of a child, alone in their apartment, whose views are blocked by walls, without playmate, without outdoor access, playing out their imagination through video games, is of the kinds that Nature School is painting as problematic. M, a Nature School activist frames the problem as:
Imagine the nomad, the rural and the urban life. The Nomad life has the deepest form of connection to nature and then the rural life and the last is the urban life. What we see as nature in the cities is an artificial and poor condition of natural landscape. Those urban children with little to no access to a rich natural habitat are of concern for Nature School.
The story of Nature Schools in Iran began with Vahabzadeh, an Iranian ecologist and professor, who lost hope in academia as a space for changes towards sustainability. After forty years of hard work, he left university and turned to children who are still in the rooting stage and there is hope for their biophilic growth. The first Nature School founded was Kavikonj in Mashhad;
In Mashhad, Iran, for example, kids, teenagers, and other volunteers founded the Kavikonj Nature School—the first of its kind in the country—where urban youth, who otherwise have little access to nature and wildlife, plant trees, manage a small farm, and learn to care for the environment. (Burns & Manouchehri, 2020)
Over a few years, more and more activists whose hearts were with children and nature, joined the community that spread rapidly around the country. This became a movement opposing the formal education in Iran which is authorative and ideologically informed, leaves little room for creativity, critical thinking, and individualized personal development, as well as no space for outdoor learning (Paivandi, 2012; Safari & Pourhashemi, 2012). More than eighty Nature Schools were established between 2014 and 2017 and the discourse was gradually gaining popularity and governmental permission from the Department of Environment facilitated the spread of the idea. In some cities local governments were lending land to the activists or allowing them to use parts of the botanical gardens and other kinds of public spaces.
What is it like in a Nature School?
Is Nature Schools still running in Iran?
Unfortunately, as the initiative was growing, a concurrent resistance against it was forming from the authorities’ side. The reasons for opposition from the government and specially the Ministry of Education can be theorized extensively and can be explored within the mainly hegemonic politics of governance in Iran and the importance of formal schooling for the estate to keep integrity as a homogenous Islamic country (See Burns & Manouchehri, 2020 and Bashiri, 2020).
Nature Schools were constrained legally and a few of them exist today (an estimation of 30 by Bashiri, 2020). Albeit, for those activists who kept the idea and the practice of Nature School to heart and witnessed the astonishing impacts on children, abandoning the work was not an option. Activists found their own local solutions to keep working in one way or another.
A Bonfire Conversation
M, is one of the Nature School activists who established their Nature School in a village amidst the peak of the tensions with the government in 2017. They kept the school running and welcomed children even through the pandemic. M had to close the school due to some conflicts with the landowner in 2021, however, they believe the Nature School is still alive in the hearts and minds of those who had deep exchanges with this space. Nature School exists, in spirit, within the practices of those whom it inspired. The rest of this entry is in parts based on a conversation M and I had by a bonfire about the story of Nature Schools.
What is the purpose? What are the values?
Nature Schools, based on biophilia hypothesis and theories of outdoor learning and education in early childhood (Vahabzadeh, 2016), place a central value on the role of natural outdoor environment as the bed for learning and early childhood development. Playing in the natural environment and interaction with nature not only has proven to improve children’s mental and physical health and develop their social skills like teamwork and collaboration, but also it is more likely that the children can form environmentally-friendly worldview (Molania & Arman, 2018; Tillmann et al., 2018; Turtle et al., 2015). If children can have meaningful interactions with nature in their childhood and form fond memories of natural landscapes, animals, and trees, these memories potentially give a sense of belonging to nature so that in their adulthood they might be more likely to react to natural destructions (Vahabzadeh, 2016).
For M it is not easy to guarantee anything about how Nature School can shape the future because of the many factors involved and given the political instability in the region and the world. But they say:
The main concern for us is to strengthen the relationship with nature. If we lose connection with anything it is difficult to understand its injuries and problems. It is important for the child to have a childhood memory of nature if they are to feel its loss in the future. On the other hand, I think this relationship in the childhood cannot guarantee anything per se, but Nature School can be an opportunity for adults to learn from the children how to authentically connect with nature. My hope is that by preparing this bed for human-nature connection, adults and the families who also have the need for nature, join this ‘celebration’ that we have thrown.
Another value that is central to Nature School pedagogy is the autonomy of the child in deciding their own way of playing and interacting with nature and other children (Azimi, 2020). They are not forced to learn “even to plant a tree” (Burns & Manouchehri, 2020). There is basically no teaching unless the child develops interest in learning a certain skill or topic more deeply, then the idea is to provide the facilities needed to such fulfill the learning need of the child. The idea is that only by allowing for child’s own curiosity and interest for learning, their own capabilities would develop in unique and creative ways. That would as well mean the least intervention from adults/facilitators in their playing and learning process.
However, the dominant hegemonic educational approaches, religious and political ideologies, and cultural norms hold a strong stance on children’s early childhood skill-gaining and learning (Paivandi, 2012; Safari & Pourhashemi, 2012). Consequently, promoting this non-authoritive and emancipatory approach has not been without legal and cultural constraints. Thus, making room for the discourse on Nature Schools pedagogical view within the dominant educational discourses, has become an activist agenda for the pedagogues. For M as well “spreading the idea, in families, in neighborhoods and in every corner is the main important goal”. They added:
It is crucial to recognize childhood’s needs and especially the need for free play. Recognizing the child as an independent person with their needs for interaction, space, and time. These are the main motivations behind my efforts. The problem is that there is no space left for childhood and people are deprived of the chance to live their childhood fully. Education is working as a means for transferring knowledge into a container and we do not value learning from experiences. Therefore, Nature School for me gave space to practice, support, and value creativity, lived experiences, observing, attention, problem solving, freedom of children to make choices and to lead their own learning process, and giving childhood the right to existence.
What about climate change?
Although nature School appears to be more leaning towards an educational praxis, there are several reasons that highlight this initiative as a form of radical environmental movement. First, the very founder of the initiative is a prominent ecologist with deep care for the dying nature. In his own words, Nature Schools have a radical view on connection with nature as a source of affection and belonging that hopefully keeps alive a sense of care and protection for nature in the future. Secondly, most of the activists that joined the initiative were previously active in environmental campaigns and NGOs (Bashiri, 2020). The third is the strong environmental framing of the Nature Schools as an essential environmental education model which allowed for its licencing from the DoE (Burns & Manouchehri, 2020).
However, I have noticed lately that the Nature School activists are not keen on prioritizing the environmental aspect of their work. I asked M about the distancing from environmental rhetoric and they responded:
When encountering many obstacles by the government and after being delicenced by the Department of Environment, our only audience and supporter were the families to whom we speak directly about their concerns.The parents’ main concern is their child’s growth rather than the environment. So, we focus on those narratives. This is more meaningful since in Iran an idea cannot be supported and developed among authorities, but it can among people.
When seeing Nature School within the landscape of climate change, M framed Nature Schools contributions in terms of mitigation and adaptation. In terms of mitigation, they mentioned the radical deep learnings for children in Nature School such as “limits to our resources” as well as “finding meaningful personal life-philosophies”. In terms of adaptation, “personal development of tolerance and resilience in hardship” and “developing creativity” are some of the traits that allows for sustaining life in a climatically harsher planet. In his own words:
In Nature School we are not looking after training elites or we are not after ‘success’ as a stereotypical set of criteria for achievements in life. We want for the child to be able to find their own life philosophy, to make life enjoyable with their capabilities, talents, and the available resources, to be able to be content to what exists and to be able to optimize consumption. There is no abundance in Nature School, there is limit! In the school, there is limited amount of wood, for example, and if we burn all of them today, we must freeze tomorrow, and we would deeply feel the scarcity.
With climatic changes we cannot go about doing agriculture and other practices as before. A child who has practiced creativity every day, can be more adaptable with the need for inventiveness during climate change. Some changes are inevitable such as drought, pandemic, war, etc. And our hope is that there will exist a generation that has the ability to tolerate suffering, like any other pains that the child encounters while playing in the Nature School and we don’t deny them. We acknowledge pain in life. The child has learned that life can be a suffering and surviving/getting over the pain can be the child’s success story.
What’s missing? What needs to be improved?
What is obvious is the lack of institutional support from Nature Schools and even worse the ban against the spread of the initiative. This has led to a broken network of activists, lack of possibility to formally hold conferences and gatherings, and to enable research and educational possibilities to generate new knowledge about this alternative pedagogical approach. Therefore, the initiative is more vulnerable and faces more barriers to grow. M shares their view on such governmental support as:
From the institutional and legal aspect, I don’t see any hope for this kind of discourse within the current governmental agencies. The essence of our discourse are some foundational concepts that are in contrast with the government’s fundamental values.
To M, there is also another fundamental limit which is on the activist and on the people’s side. They think:
We have enough resources, but very few believers who can understand that they can run Nature Schools regardless of spatial conditions. Nature School can be a concept or a mindset that flows and takes shape within any physical boundaries. You can practice Nature School at your grandma’s house, just by living up to the fundamental values and objectives. Just by allowing the child free to play and fulfil their curiosity. Due to the lack of such deep and firm understanding of this idea, most people leave their projects halfway. For M the meaning of life is the survival of this idea wherever possible.
M continues with the shortcoming of Nature Schools that appeared important to him in his experience:
The very basic idea in Nature School is to embrace challenges and to enjoy problem-solving. However, we need to actively review and reflect on our progress and challenges in Nature Schools in an organized manner. We need to change the mindsets of the Nature School activists. Due to the load of the work and the tiredness of the activists, when an issue emerges it would be the end of the world.
There is little work done on the relation between facilitators and with parents. The relationship between facilitators and the children are highly attended to and activists have a lot of experience with children but not with adults who are the audience of the Nature School and with their own colleagues. The Nature Schools don’t have constructive and synergic relations with one another.
Replicating Nature Schools elsewhere?
What we know is that over time, especially after the legal constraints, the discursive aspect of Nature Schools has gained more weight and relevance than the physical dimensions (e.g. the land requirements and certain facilities) (Bashiri, 2020). The initiative has become partly informalized and diverse local strategies have been developed by activists based on the core values of the Nature School. As I have concluded in my research on Nature Schools (Bashiri, 2020):
Nature School was no longer treated as a place that children should go to for receiving service, but a concept that can flow in any space in society (households, yards, schools, neighborhoods) and based on capacities of people and spaces anyone can live up to the principles of Nature School and provide such services to children in any context.
In this regard, M adds:
This idea can be practices in every context with any resources. And this idea is already being naturally practiced by many people knowingly or unknowingly. We could either promote the idea, or just be a supporter of the idea wherever some aspects of it are communicated or lived up. Sometimes we see other initiatives that have similar values and practices, we could see, reinforce, and empower them as well.
Any hope for grand impacts?!
Based on my analysis of Nature School as a micro level initiative that aimed to create a transformation within the dominant regime of education and culture regarding children’s early childhood learning, there are several reasons to say yes and no to this question. As a micro-level initiative, this initiative is benefiting from creative diverse strategies and a demand from the society for alternative educational models. However, the initiative, within its intricated contentious political context, has some big challenges to overcome. For instance, one is the broken network to be healed, and another is the learning exchange and knowledge production among activists to be addressed. These elements are deemed crucial for any initiative that wants to advance to higher levels of structural resilience.
For M it is difficult to tell anything about large-scale changes whether spatial or temporal. They ended our conversation with:
The macro politics create unexpected conditions for the world that any foreseeing is rendered impossible. This discourse, this idea, this initiative, to my belief, can calm and soothe people, can reduce competition and aggression. Childhood is an important period that can inform the social health in the future and if childhood is not cared for, it can create tensions in the family and society. If today’s aggressive adults, who destroy and demolish, had a better childhood in a more enriched and cared for environment, maybe, they could find other meanings in their lives.
If the Nature School can only calm people, that would be good enough for me.
Nature School seems to remind me of a lower tempo that is in tune with nature. Like the difference between tempo of life in the village and in the city. The closer one travels to a city the speeds increase and consequently the stress, competition, take overs. Even Nature School, with its promising message of a more peaceful world, is entangled in its larger rapidly-growing globalized context. And in this entanglement slowing down to reflect and review is not productive and of value for some Nature School activists. Entanglement does not mean to stop trying, but to acknowledge and work for transformation from within the system (See the Entangled Activist by Lawson, 2021).
References
Azimi, M. (2020). مدرسه ی طبیعت، چگونگی آغاز فعالیت مدرسه ی طبیعت در ایران. [Nature School, how the activity of Nature School started in Iran]. نشریه صنوبر [Senobar Magazine], 3 (9), 28-33. Available in Persian on https://www.jaaar.com/kiosk/archives/Senobar
Bashiri, F. (2020). Walking a tightrope towards sustainability: a multi-level transition analysis of Iranian Nature Schools as an alternative educational initiative (unpublished master’s thesis). Lund University, Sweden.
Behruz, S.M., & Zarghami, E. (2018). یادگیری طبیعی، مطالعهای بر مبنای مشاهدۀ رفتار کودکان در مدرسۀ طبیعت کاویکنج مشهد [Natural learning, a study based on observation of children’s behaviour in Mashhad Kavikonj Nature School]. فناوری آموزش [Education technology]. 13 (3), 387-401. https://doi.org/10.22061/jte.2018.3953.1962
Burns, E. A., & Manouchehri, B. (2020). Context is Everything: Environment and Education Intersections in the Rise and Fall of Iran’s Nature Schools. Journal of Education for Sustainable Development, 14(2), 156–173. https://doi.org/10.1177/0973408220978829
Kahn, P. H., & Kellert, S. R. (2002). Children and Nature: Psychological, Sociocultural, and Evolutionary Investigations. MIT Press.
Lawson, A. (2021). The Entangled Activist: Learning to Recognise the Master’s Tools. Perspectiva Press.
Molania, S. & Arman, S. (2018). مدرسۀ سبز: مدیریت استفاده از گیاهان در مدارس و نقش آن در انسان گرا کردن مدارس مدرن [Green school: managing the use of plants in schools and their role in humanizing modern schools]. journal of school Administration, 6(1), 121-134. Retrieved on April 14, 2020 from http://jsa.uok.ac.ir/article_58080.html
Paivandi, S. (2012). Education in the Islamic Republic of Iran and Perspectives on Democratic Reforms. Retrieved from https://www.li.com/docs/default-source/future-of-iran/iran_ed_paivandi.pdf
Safari, P., & Pourhashemi, M. R. (2012). Toward an Empowering Pedagogy : Is There Room for Critical Pedagogy in Educational System of Iran? Theory and Practice in Language Studies, 2(12), 2548– 2555. https://doi.org/10.4304/tpls.2.12.2548-2555
Tillmann, S., Clark, A., & Gilliland, J. (2018). Children and Nature: Linking Accessibility of Natural Environments and Children’s Health-Related Quality of Life. International journal of environmental research and public health, 15(6), 1072. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph15061072
Turtle, C., Convery, I., & Convery, K. (2015). Forest Schools and environmental attitudes: A case study of children aged 8–11 years. Cogent Education, 2(1), 1100103. https://doi.org/10.1080/2331186X.2015.1100103
Vahabzadeh, A. (2016). Preface In Kahn & Kellert, کودک و طبیعت (درسنامه ی مدرسه طبیعت) [Children and Nature: Psychological, Sociocultural, and Evolutionary Investigations] (3 ed., pp. 9).
Wilson, R. (2007). Nature and Young Children: Encouraging Creative Play and Learning in Natural Environments (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203940723
By Ludovica Battista
Terranostra Occupata – Verde liberato autogestito, scene from the last meeting that took place in the area between the actors involved (February 2023), photo by the author
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented?
It is located in Via Boccaccio, Casoria, in the northern fringe of Naples, Italy. More precisely, the place is 200 meters from Casoria-Afragola train station. The place was chosen as it was regularly used as an illegal site for waste discharges, and as it looked to the activists particularly exposed to building speculation (Terranostra, 2015).
Who are the promoters? Who are the actors involved? What are their backgrounds?
In the Facebook page, this grassroot initiative is called Terranostra Occupata, which the author translates as “Occupied Ourland”. It is promoted by a group of active citizens, coming from local collectives and associations, and from diverse knowledges and backgrounds. The author recalls having heard during a meeting that the number of activists has been decreasing during the last years, as the place has been closed by the police due to lack of alignment with the municipality. In fact, the closing has led to a change in activities for the collective, now prevented from living the space and therefore active mainly externally in a struggle that lacks of a fixed operational base (as one can read on the Facebook page, the members of the group, and whoever is interested in helping their efforts towards reclaiming the area as a common good, meet now occasionally in different venues around Casoria). The present situation has limited the possibility to engage with a larger public as it occurred when the occupation was still in place.
Who are the beneficiaries?
The inhabitants of Casoria, especially those who live in the outskirts of the town, whose urban structure, according to the site surveys by the author, lacks common open space and green space. Potentially, being situated near the train station, it could be also used by people from towns nearby.
How does this initiative engage with climate?
It is located in a conurbation whose lands have been covered in cement and waste throughout the years. Casoria is located in an area that has been defined as Terra dei Fuochi (“Land of Fires”). The activists want to counter-act the loss of collective agricultural infrastructures and the lack of livable green space. It also provides a refuge from summer heat to many neighbors: during the pandemic it has been one of the few if not the only place where people could find some free open space to inhabit together. This was an argument often repeated during a public assembly in winter 2023, which was convocated by the municipality to share with the activists and university professors the plan for an incoming “Boccaccio Park”. The site of Terranostra has in fact become the object of a design process for an “institutionalized” urban park, which is leading to an intense yet very difficult process of mediation between activists and the municipality. The area was previously a military fuel depot that had stayed closed for decades and deemed as contaminated. Despite the activists’ attempts to reclaim the soil, for instance through Phyto depurating and manually picking old waste, the levels of pollution of the site are eventually one of the reasons why the municipality has decided to close it during the design process.
Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
This initiative tries to integrate strategies to improve the quality of life for the citizens in the changing climate of the area, but its promoters also want to raise awareness on ecological multispecies relationships, soil and subsoil care, and biodiversity. The aim is to foster a change in lifestyles that can contribute to transform Casoria’s urban setting. It is worth mentioning that in this initiative the environmental justice and ecological conscience discourse are never separated from the dimension of the “commons”, central to Terranostra’s initiative.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
One can read on the external wall of Terranostra occupata in Casoria the writing “VERDE LIBERATO AUTOGESTITO” (which can be translated as “self-governed liberated green”). Its main objective is building a space for socialising, defending and enhancing recovery processes for the few green areas of that territory.
Terranostra is contextualized in a broader Neapolitan network of grassroots organizations campaigning for commons for civic and collective use fighting to re-appropriate the collective heritage. Terranostra’s activists say they “would like a park with an agricultural traction, where people can cultivate and eat healthy food together, living in nature and spending convivial moments in the countryside,” even though they “are in the most built- up area in Europe.” Agriculture and zero-kilometer food are basic ingredient of their objectives, they are instrumental to the change they wish for. At the present, the activists and the Municipality are discussing the construction and management of the park. The activists ask to be included as participant observers and to be consulted before any unscheduled intervention on the present vegetation. They also demand the right to directly manage the place through the assembly of the users. The conflict is between the Dichiarazione d’uso civico e collettivo (Declaration of Urban Civic and Collective Use), proposed by the activists, and the municipality’s Patto di collaborazione (Collaboration Pact), which sees the park as a property of the municipality to be entrusted to an individual, or a fixed group of individuals, i.e. an association). This conflict reflects an ongoing fight for a wider recognition of grassroots initiatives without paying the price of losing their original values. The aim is to find a management solution that building upon the heterogeneous and informal composition of activists’ community could offer better and more flexible ways to care for the planned park.
View of the of the fruit orchard planted by the activists (February 2023),
photo by the author
What is the timeline?
The group of active citizens started caring for these five abandoned hectares in the summer of 2015. After years of struggles with the Municipality, in 2021 they were forced out, and now they are at the center of a delicate process of dialogue with the Municipality, as an institutional regeneration project is intended for this area.
Are there already visible effects?
As a person who has been there and talked to them and to their neighbors, the author can say that the activists of Terranostra made the five hectares (38,000 square meters ) a true participatory laboratory for Casoria’s people to know, contact, and care for their land. By giving life to a social garden and organizing many activities, they imagined a productive and biodiverse urban park. Many local people have started to spend a lot of time there, and care for this green area.
Which limits does it encounter?
The relationship between the activists and the Municipality has been problematic especially since their political background is clearly far from institutional politics. This happens in spite of being next to Naples, home to Osservatorio e Rete dei Beni Comuni – observatory and network on “Emerging Common Goods” (De Tullio, 2018), an observatory and network that has succeeded in establishing fruitful institutional synergies during the last ten years. . As previously mentioned, the site of Terranostra is presently the object of a design process for an “institutional” urban park, and therefore closed and inaccessible to the community. This forces Terranostra activists to try to steer the project from afar, in a situation that presents many uncertainties, hoping to be soon entrusted as the caring community of the new park.
Closed access to the area (February 2023), photo by the author
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
The impossibility to access the area is a significant limitation since the community is deeply connected to that place and the possibility to use it. The risk is that the activists’ community might dissolve during the time needed for the construction of the park. In case the area is transformed into an urban park, it loses the agricultural drive that is crucial for the activists’ political project. More in general, the institutionalization of the park will imply the imposition of rules, laws, and management that can drastically change the nature of the experience.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
It could be replicated in other parts of the town and its hinterland,, which has a huge amount of abandoned lands, often used as illegal dumps, as this one was, and a huge lack of green space for its inhabitants. The history of Terranostra demonstrates that occupations of similar open spaces, can avoid that they become target for urban development and illegal dumping, Those areas can instead be transformed into centers for community sharing of knowledges and for fostering new multispecies relationships, they can become tools to challenge the present condition of urban spaces in a political and ecological perspective.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes?
Yes, it is. Activists and engaged researchers — including the author of this entry — are negotiating with the municipality to introduce a set of regulations that will make possible for this community and for others to be recognized as a community of care for common lands. The result might be that more experiences like Terranostra can be generated producing better socioecological conditions, especially in low-income or hyper densely built contexts.
References
Aa.Vv. 2015. L’appello di Terranostra Occupata: “Aiutateci contro ogni intenzione repressiva delle istituzioni”. [online] Available at: https://www.casoriadue.it/lappello-di-terranostra-occupata- qaiutateci-contro-ogni-intenzione-repressiva-delle-istituzioniq/ [Accessed 14 June 2023].
De Tullio, M.F. 2018. Commons towards New Participatory Institutions. The Neapolitan Experience. In Dockx, N., & Gielen, P. (Eds.), Commonism: A New Aesthetics of the Real.
Iavarone, S. 2022. Un nuovo parco di 30.000 mq nascerà a Casoria a via Boccaccio un Parco finanziato con i PICS della Regione Campania. [online] Available at: http://newsnapolinord.it/un- nuovo-parco-di-30-000-mq-nascera-a-casoria-a-via-boccaccio-un-parco-finanziato-con-i-pics- regione-campania/ [Accessed 13 June 2023]
Khalil, S. 2016. Giovani e agricoltura. Terra dei fuochi? No Terranostra. A Casoria il verde autogestito. [online] Available at: https://www.diregiovani.it/2016/09/01/49721-giovani-e- agricoltura-terra-dei-fuochi-no-terranostra-a-casoria-il-verde-autogestito.dg/ [Accessed 12 June 2023].
Tanzilli, E. TerraNostra, da Casoria una nuova esperienza per vivere la città. [online] Available at: https://www.liberopensiero.eu/12/07/2015/varie/terranostra-da-casoria-una-nuova-esperienza/ [Accessed 12 June 2023].
Rafael Palermo Buti
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented?
Baía de Todos os Santos, State of Bahia, Northeast Region of Brazil.
Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
The initiatives have been engaged by the quilombola fishing communities of Ilha de Maré, Boca do Rio and Dom João, located in different portions of the Baía de Todos os Santos, in State of Bahia, Northeast Region of Brazil (Image 1). In Brazil, quilombola communities are ethnic-racial groups with a history linked to the slavery past, with specific territoriality and black ancestry related to resistance to the historical oppression suffered. There are more than 5 thousand quilombola communities spread across Brazilian territory. Of these, less than 7% have their territories regularized by the Brazilian State. This is the case of the quilombola communities of Ilha de Maré, Boca do Rio and Dom João.
These communities inhabit the coastal area of Baía de Todos os Santos, and practice artisanal fishing. Their modes of existence depend on the preservation of mangroves and the tide, so they establish relationships of care and respect with these environments. For this reason, they are known as “quilombola fishing communities”. They are part of the Artisanal Fishermen Movement of Bahia. They fight for environmental protection and acquisition of formal property rights by the Brazilian State.
The Baía de Todos os Santos is the second largest bay in the world. It is formed by a set of beaches, coral reefs, estuaries, and mangroves with a naturally navigable inlet channel, as well as two inland bays and deep internal channels. Its contours comprise fourteen municipalities located in the insular portion and surroundings, which house a total population of 2,783.73 inhabitants (IBGE; Census 2010). Of these, 87.76% live in the city of Salvador, capital of the State of Bahia and the fourth largest city in Brazil.
Image 1: Location of the Dom João, Ilha de Maré and Boca do Rio quilombos in the Baía de Todos os Santos. Source: Google Earth
Linked to the history of Portuguese colonialism as the main American sugar cane producer and recipient of enslaved African workers, the Baía de Todos os Santos inaugurated the oil extraction chain in Brazil in the 1940s. From these economic activities unfolded the implementation of the Landulpho Alves refinery in 1950, and the industrial and petrochemical complexes of Aratu in the 1960s. Inaugurated in 1975 to enable the Aratu Industrial Complex, the port of Aratu is one of the largest outlets for chemical and petrochemical production in Brazil.
The territories of traditional fishing and quilombola communities in the northern and northeastern portion of the Baía de Todos os Santos are shaped by infrastructure for extracting and moving commodities of this petro and petrochemical enclave. Oil and industrial infrastructures on land and sea radically impact the territories and livelihoods of the region’s fishing communities. They are responsible for landfills, suppression of mangroves and the Atlantic Forest, contamination by hydrocarbons and heavy metals, and restriction of access to territories of traditional use by artisanal fishermen (HATGE et all 2009; ZAGATTO e SOUZA 2020; BUTI 2020).
These are the cases of the quilombo Dom João, located in the ruins of the first extraction oil field in Brazil; the quilombo Boca do Rio, located in the Port of Aratu; and the quilombo Ilha de Maré, located in an island opposite the Landulpho Alves Refinery and Port of Aratu. The images 2 and 3 show the location of the communities of Ilha de Maré and Boca do Rio in relation to these petro-industrial infrastructures.
Image 2: Location of the Landulpho Alves Refinery in relation to Ilha de Maré. Source: Google Earth
Image 3: Location of the Port of Aratu in relation to the communities of Ilha de Maré and Boca do Rio. Source: Google Earth
These communities are implementing resistance strategies based on a network of intercommunity and international mobilizations, linking the struggle for territorial rights and racial justice to socio-environmental and climate change issues. The industrial pollutants have caused irreparable damage to the entire way of life in different parts of the Baía de Todos os Santos (HATGE et al 2009). Therefore, coping strategies also have an interspecies dimension, as they aim to protect all forms of life in the coastal zone.
Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
The collective actors involved are the associations of the quilombos of Ilha de Maré, Boca do Rio and Dom João. These communities live mainly from artisanal fishing and have a centuries-old history of occupation in the Baía de Todos os Santos. The Artisanal Fishermen’s Movement of Bahia allows for collective articulation for the rights of quilombola fishing communities. Some groups linked to social movements provide legal and environmental advice, such as the Conselho Pastoral da Pesca (Pastoral Council for Fisheries), the Associação dos Advogados dos Trabalhadores Rurais (Association of Lawyers for Rural Workers) and the Grupo Ambientalista da Bahia (Environmentalist Group of Bahia). Collaborative research carried out by universities in the region has contributed to the production of knowledge in favor of community rights, especially Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), Federal University of Recôncavo Baiano (UFRB), Estate University of Feira de Santana (UEFS) and University for the International Integration of Afro-Brazilian Lusophony (Unilab).
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
I propose to think about two dimensions of the relationship between the quilombola initiatives in Baía de Todos os Santos and the debate on climate change. First of all, this initiative can be included among the many grassroots initiatives that are not directly framed in terms of climate change actions. Nonetheless, I frame those initiatives in terms of climate action because they contribute to think about the mitigation of some crucial aspects of the new climate regime: especially the effects of oil extraction and petro-industry infrastructure on the environment and the way of life of traditional communities. The quilombola fishers have a specific perspective on transformations landscapes and precariousness of their territory in long term. The actions taken by the communities in the last 15 years include land and sea claim, onboard demonstrations, occupations in oil bases, public civil actions, and letters of complaint against leaks, contamination, and deforestation in the coastal zone.
Image 4: Artisanal fishermen prepare a demonstration at sea. On the flag the words: “Stop Environmental Crimes Without Punishment”.
Source: https://www.brasildefatoba.com.br/2019/11/20/artigo-or-pescadores-marisqueiras-e-quilombolas-de-ilha-de-mare-um-povo-lutador
In other instances, those grassroots organizations are explicitly framing their initiatives in relationship to climate change. In this dimension, some local quilombola leaders in Baía de Todos os Santos engage the climate change debate in the public arena because of the unequal exposure to environmental and climate risks to which their communities are subjected. One event is of special relevance: the publication, in July 2020, of an official document by the Municipality of Salvador called Plan for Mitigation and Adaptation to Climate Change in Salvador (PMAMC, 2020). This document establishes the Salvador Climate Risk Index and analyzes the level of local vulnerability. The document shows that the places inhabited by the black population are more exposed to the different risks of the new climate regime, including the quilombo Ilha de Maré. The Climate Risk Index projects the impact of sea level rise on the island up to 2030.
Image 5 shows the projection of the threat of sea level rise in Salvador for the years 2030, 2050 and 2100 (PMAMC, 2020). In blue are the threatened areas. The community of Ilha de Maré is in blue at the top of the maps.
Image 5 – Threat of Sea Level Rise in Salvador Climate Risk Index. Source: Plano de Mitigação e Adaptação às Mudanças Climáticas do Clima em Salvador, Prefeitura Municipal de Salvador, 2020.
For these two different dimensions of impacts (precariousness and contamination of territories in long-term and sea level rise) some quilombola leaders engage the discussion about environmental racism and climate injustice, including their presence at the 26th United Nations Conference on Climate Change (COP 26) held in Glasgow in November 2021.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
The quilombola fishing communities of Baía de Todos os Santos connect three types of agendas: land claims, anti-racist movement, and socio-environmental debate. The communities understand that only after the regularization and recognition of their property rights on land and sea territories by the State they will they have autonomy to live, protect their living environments and guarantee food security.
The lack of territorial recognition contributes to the precariousness of their territories and ways of life, increasing the pressure of extractive corporations linked to the extraction and movement of commodities. For this reason, most of the complaints about environmental crimes have been voiced by the communities themselves. They denounce the public authorities’ non-compliance with environmental legislation in relation to control over contamination and demand their presence in decision-making spaces on megaprojects that may affect their lives and territories.
An important dimension brought by grassroots associations is the relationship between the environmental crimes suffered and the notion of “environmental racism”. This is a term used by quilombola fishers in public debate, since black and poor people inhabit the most precarious territories of the region. In this sense, quilombola men and women have positioned themselves as “guardians” of the nature, mangrove, and the tide against environmental racism, claiming their perspectives in socio-environmental care and recovery policies.
Due to this long-term relationship with their territories and the consistent engagement with environmental racism, some leaders have started to be involved in the debate on climate injustice. One of the main leaders of the quilombo Ilha de Maré, Eliete Paraguaçu, is a member of a Brazilian collective of black activists called Coalização Negra por Direitos (Black Coalition for Rights). This collective was present at the 26th United Nations Conference on Climate Change (COP26) held in Glasgow in November 2021.
Some aspects of the proposal are present in the preparatory debate for COP26 held by the group. Titled “No Racial Justice, No Climate Justice”, the debate can be accessed at this link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S6e3_pqX-0E. The main message of this collective is the importance of intersectionalizing the discussion of environmental racism in the climate debate. During demonstrations in the streets of Glasgow, they showed a poster with the following sentence: “CLIMATE JUSTICE WITHOUT RACIAL JUSTICE IS THE NEW COLONIALISM”.
The poster image can be seen at this link: https://oeco.org.br/analises/justica-climatica-sem-combate-as-desigualdades-raciais-e-colonialismo/.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
An important milestone was the Manifesto launched by the quilombo Ilha de Maré and Artisanal Fishers Movement against the explosion of the foreign vessel Golden Miller in December 2013. Moored in the port of Aratu, the vessel was carrying butadiene and propylene gases from the company Braskem/SA, contaminating the fishing territories of the region. Since then, quilombola communities have been engaging in strategies to denounce and resist environmental racism through a network of inter-community juridical actions and public mobilizations.
Image 7: Artisanal Fishers Movement protest against impunity over the Golden Miller Ship. Source: https://www.brasildefato.com.br/2020/05/23/que-desenvolvimento-e-esse-que-traz-morte-questiona-pescadora-e-lider-quilombola
One of these took place on July 2018, with the publication of an open letter written by the Quilombo Dom João and signed by partner entities and groups denouncing an oil spill that occurred in May of the same year (ASSOCIAÇÃO QUILOMBOLA PORTO DOM JOÃO 2018; BUTI 2020). At the time, a Petrobras pipeline had ruptured in the vicinity of the community, contaminating residential areas and mangrove.
Launched on the day of commemoration of the independence of Bahia, that document claimed the community’s independence from contamination. In doing so, the quilombola denounced the negligence of environmental agencies. One of the results of the mobilization was the opening of the legal process against Petrobras for compensation of fishers who work in areas affected by oil spill.
Image 8: Mangrove swamp killed by oil spill near Dom João. Source, BUTI 2020
The other took place in September 2020, when the quilombo Boca do Rio held an act in defense of mangroves and the Aratu River. At the time, some residents denounced extensive deforestation in the community’s mangroves, as a result of actions taken by Bahia Terminais to build a port terminal.
Image 9: Complaint by the Environmentalist Group of Bahia against the deforestation of mangroves in the quilombo Boca do Rio. The poster informs that “Bahia Terminais terrorizes quilombo Boca do Rio with an explosion of dynamite”, and that the “Company has already deforested 5 hectares of mangroves within the quilombola territory”.
Image 10: Mangrove of the quilombo Boca do Rio devastated for construction of the port of Bahia Terminais in an area of Environmental Preservation, 11/3/2021. Source: http://www.cppnacional.org.br/noticia/o-quilombo-boca-do-rio-continua-sendo-violentado-pela-empresa-bahia-terminais-controlada
This action triggered the launch of a campaign in defense of the territory of Boca do Rio in March 2021 (ASSOCIAÇÃO QUILOMBOLA BOCA DO RIO, 2021). At the time of this campaign, the association denounced a “chemical warfare” operated by Braskem against families through the release of toxic products. The complaint included the history of devastation operated by the industrial infrastructures of Volpak, Braskem, GDK, Mendes Jr, Ford, and Dow Química, leading to the devastation of forests and mangroves, the removal of hills, the restriction of access, the expulsion of families, the filling of the sea, rivers and water sources, and finally the contamination of the environment and residents. One of the results of the mobilization was the stoppage of the port works by the Public Ministry of Bahia.
Which limits (institutional, physical, social, etc.) does it encounter?
To reflect about the “limits” encountered by quilombola communities in the environmental and climate injustice debate, I will cite the speech of a quilombola leader from Ilha de Maré, Eliete Paraguaçu. This speech is present in the documentary “Invisible Killer: industrial waste on the island of Maré reaches deadly levels”, released in 2019 by the collective Midia Ninja.
It’s a very unequal fight, it’s one thing for you to fight with an enterprise, it’s one thing for you to fight with a world of enterprise, it’s one thing for you to fight with chemical pollution that you don’t feel, you don’t touch, you can’t punch, this is very uneven, this is very perverse, what we have been experiencing here in Bahia is this. And the criminalization of the movements that we face, because we have to defend the mangrove, for us to defend the crowns and the areas that we fish, we are criminalized, with police at the door, with the right to be arrested, because you defended the right to survive, you defended the right of your community, you defended the right of a class that has always lived exclusively on what does, which is the fishing, the fish, the food that we produce, that we move this Bay with what we do.
According to Eliete, the quilombola and fishing communities are in an unequal and perverse struggle because it is not possible to “feel”, “touch” and “punch” the enemy, in this case, the “chemical pollution” released by the “world of enterprises” in Baía de Todos os Santos. This is something similar to what Nixon (2011) calls “slow violence”, as a form of structural and lasting destruction dispersed in time and space inherent to predatory extractivism. In slow violence, it is difficult to map and prove the causative agent of environmental crimes.
Image 11: Documentary poster “Invisible Killer: industrial waste on the island of Maré reaches deadly levels”. Source: https://midianinja.org/news/assassino-invisivel-lixo-industrial-na-ilha-de-mare-chega-a-niveis-mortais/
Added to this, oil and petro-industrial corporations tend to deny the occurrence and severity of their effects on territories and on the health of the population. Large extractive corporations are protected by the Brazilian state, where regulatory institutions have been complacent with crimes. It can be said, therefore, that the limit for the actions of communities lies in the institutional and structural racism that marks the relations of power in Brazilian society. Some places and people need to be sacrificed for the benefit of capitalist projects. These places and bodies are predominantly black.
Another point raised by Eliete concerns the criminalization of quilombola leaders. Some leaders have responded individually to lawsuits brought against them by corporations and other agents contrary to the interests of quilombola communities. Pressures on community leaders have increased in Brazil after President Jair Bolsonaro took power in 2018. A report by the NGO Global Witness lists Brazil as the fourth country in the world for number of environmental and land rights leaders killed in 2021. This created a more hostile context for socio-environmental agendas in the country, including Baía de Todos os Santos. For this reason, some quilombola leaders have engaged with international networks of mobilization. The participation of quilombola leaders in the climate debate promoted by COP 26 is a way of engaging new global perspectives in historical local problems.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
The environmental and climate activism to which quilombola leaders from Baía de Todos os Santos are involved is part of a larger movement engaged by indigenous and traditional communities from different parts of the world. COP26 is proof of this, as for the first time it brought together indigenous leaders and traditional peoples from different countries engaged in occupy the climate debate. One of the groups active at COP26 was the Global Alliance of Territorial Communities (GATC), a coalition of organizations from Latin America, Africa and Asia representing traditional communities in 24 countries. The participation of Brazilian indigenous peoples and quilombola is part of this movement where communities claim a place in the fight against the climate crisis. To a certain extent, the climate debate has become a common language for communities to formulate an agenda of planetary commitments based on their local realities. By intersecting the racial debate in the climate debate, Brazilian quilombola communities offer the world the message from the tide.
References
ASSOCIAÇÃO QUILOMBOLA BOCA DO RIO, 2021. International Campaign in Defense of the Quilombo Boca do Rio. Candeias, 18 de Março de 2021. http://www.cppnacional.org.br/sites/default/files/Note%20from%20Community%20Boca%20do%20Rio.pdf
ASSOCIAÇÃO QUILOMBOLA PORTO DOM JOÃO, 2018. Quilombo Dom João em Defesa do Meio Ambiente e contra o Derramamento e Contaminação de Petróleo – Carta Aberta da Comunidade Quilombola Dom João sobre o derramamento de petróleo ocorrido no dia 16 de maio de 2018. São Francisco do Conde, 02 de Julho de 2018.
BUTI, Rafael Palermo. Imagens do petroceno: habitabilidade e resistência quilombola em infraestruturas petrolíferas em manguezais do Recôncavo Baiano. Amazônica – Revista de Antropologia, [S.l.], v. 12, no. 1, pág. 277-301, outubro de 2020. ISSN 2176-0675. Disponível em: https://periodicos.ufpa.br/index.php/amazonica/article/view/8504.
HATJE V.; BÍCEGO, Márcia; CARVALHO, Gilson; ANDRADE Jailson. 2009, Contaminação Química. In Baía de todos os santos: aspectos oceanográficos. Editado por V. Hatje e J Andrade. Salvador: EDUFBA.
NIXON, Rob (2011), Slow Violence and the Environmentalism of the Poor. Cambridge, MA/London, England: Harvard University Press, 353 pp.
Plano de Mitigação e Adaptação às Mudanças Climáticas do Clima em Salvador, Prefeitura Municipal de Salvador, 2020. In: http://sustentabilidade.salvador.ba.gov.br/wp-content/uploads/2020-/12/Versao_Completa_PMAMC.pdf
ZAGATTO, Bruna P; SOUZA, Luiz E. A necropolítica ambiental nos quilombos de Ilha de Maré, Bahia, Brasil. 2020 Amazônica – Revista de Antropologia, Belém, v. 12, n. 1.
Newspaper Referencie
ASSOCIAÇÃO QUILOMBOLA BOCA DO RIO, 2021. INTERNATIONAL CAMPAIGN IN DEFENSE OF THE QUILOMBO BOCA DO RIO. Candeias, 18 de Março de 2021. http://www.cppnacional.org.br/sites/default/files/Note%20from%20Community%20Boca%20do%20Rio.pdf
Justiça Climática sem Combate às Desigualdades Raciais é Colonialismo. In: https://oeco.org.br/analises/justica-climatica-sem-combate-as-desigualdades-raciais-e-colonialismo/
Manifesto do Movimento de Pescadores e Pescadoras Artesanais sobre a explosão do navio no Porto de Aratu. In: http://www.cppnacional.org.br/noticia/manifesto-do-mpp-sobre-explos%C3%A3o-de-navio-no-porto-de-aratu-%E2%80%93-salvadorba.
Menos de 7% das áreas quilombolas foram tituladas no Brasil. In: https://agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br/direitos-humanos/noticia/2018-05/menos-de-7-das-areas-quilombolas-no-brasil-foram-tituladas
O Quilombo Boca do Rio Continua Sendo Violentado pela Empresa Bahia Terminais. In: http://www.cppnacional.org.br/noticia/o-quilombo-boca-do-rio-continua-sendo-violentado-pela-empresa-bahia-terminais-controlada
Pescadores e marisqueiras quilombolas de Ilha de Maré: um povo lutador. In: https://www.brasildefatoba.com.br/2019/11/20/artigo-or-pescadores-marisqueiras-e-quilombolas-de-ilha-de-mare-um-povo-lutador
Que desenvolvimento é esse que traz morte?, questiona pescadora e líder quilombola. In: https://www.brasildefato.com.br/2020/05/23/que-desenvolvimento-e-esse-que-traz-morte-questiona-pescadora-e-lider-quilombola
Relatório Aponta Brasil como o Quarto País em Assassinatos de Líderes Ambientais. In: https://noticias.uol.com.br/meio-ambiente/ultimas-noticias/redacao/2021/09/12/relatorio-aponta-brasil-como-4-pais-em-assassinatos-de-lideres-ambientais.htm
Sem Justiça Racial não há Justiça Climática. In: https://itr.ufrrj.br/determinacaoverde/sem-justica-racial-nao-ha-justica-climatica/
Um acordo histórico para indígenas na COP26: 10 bilhões de reais para proteger as florestas. In: https://brasil.elpais.com/sociedade/2021-11-02/um-acordo-historico-para-os-indigenas-na-cop26-10-bilhoes-de-reais-para-proteger-as-florestas.html#:~:text=A%20COP26%20n%C3%A3o%20%C3%A9%20o,Conserva%C3%A7%C3%A3o%20da%20Natureza%20(IUCN).
By Cecilia Pasini
The initiative is the re-appropriation of a former industrial chemical plant that produced viscose, the ex CISA/SNIA Viscosa, in Rome. The abandoned plant has been partly occupied by activists and citizens and re-used, through a re-signification and re-territorialization (Maggioli and Tabusi, 2016) of the former plant in ruins and the creation of a new park, spaces for the community, and an archive of the former workers.
Photo of Lago Bullicante and abandoned ruins of the shopping centre project.
Images by Cecilia Pasini
Where is this grassroots initiative? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
The ex-Snia is located in Rome, the Italian capital city, in the neighbourhood of Pigneto–Prenestino and bordered by via Prenestina and via di Portonaccio. It is now called Parco delle Energie (Energy Park) because it became a public park as a result of the grassroots initiative. The area covers a total of 14 hectares, 6.5 of which are public. In the park stands the Park House and the Quadrato, a skate park where activities, festivals and sports tournaments are organized. The Park House, which in the past was one of the two structures used as a dormitory for factory workers, is a public space managed by the Forum Territoriale Permanente del Parco delle Energie (Permanent Territorial Forum of the Energy Park, from now on “Forum”) in agreement with the City Hall, (AAVV, 2023). The Forum is a civic body built up over the years during the activists’ struggles to protect and manage the area.
The Centro Documentazione Territoriale Maria Baccante – Archivio storico Viscosa (Maria Baccante Territorial Documentation Centre – Historical archive Viscose) is hosted in the Park House and is dedicated to a former worker and partisan in the Italian Resistance. The archive collects documents abandoned by the former Snia Viscosa direction after the closure of the firm. It is managed through an assembly that meets weekly, made by activists and inhabitants of the neighbourhood with a special biographic relationship to the plant, some of them have professional skills in the conservation of archives. The archive has an institutional recognition since 2012, when the Regional Directorate for Cultural and Landscape Heritage of Lazio recognised its value.
Inside the park, there is a natural lake, which leaked from the underground water table during work on the construction of a shopping centre in the early 1990s. The emergence of the lake and the consequent arrival of several people and nonhuman species, especially birds, has been an important turning point in the initiative. In a sense, the initiative is a form of creation of multispecies relationships based on the protection of commons, in which a coalition between human and nonhuman actors is made possible with relevant positive consequences.
Everyone in the neighbourhood and abroad can benefit from the initiative. Thanks to the presence of the park, the community centre and the archive Maria Baccante, the place is visited by relatives of former workers who want to reconstruct their family history as well as researchers, students, industrial history enthusiasts, and even by the curious who want to learn more about the city.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both, or other dimensions of climate change?
The initiative is against soil exploitation by economic powers, the big firms and the political elites. It tries to defend the area as a common good, preserve the park, and have more places where the community can meet. Activists act to safeguard and increase biodiversity, raise among the inhabitants of the neighbourhood awareness of the importance of green areas, the development of a civic sense, and of awareness of collective goods. The initiative also tries to do something out of the waste and ruins of the deindustrialization process, with a practice that overcomes the sense of loss (Elliott, 2018). It opposes the ruination and waste of a post-industrial area, claiming the need of commoning and creating new forms of relationships (Armiero, 2021). It is also an opposition to the abandonment of the stories of the neighbourhood. The polluting plant (the industrial complex used highly toxic chemicals, such as carbon disulphide, to create rayon or artificial silk) has created a toxic and noxious heritage (Feltrin, Mah, and Brown, 2022) that has condemned the neighbourhood and its inhabitants to become a wasted community, out of sight for the most. The initiative permits to overturning this perspective by developing alternative visions for the community and its territory.
Additionally, the initiative has been made possible thanks to the emergence of human-nonhuman alliances, and the sudden and bulky entry of the urban wilderness in the area, starting with the birth of the Bullicante lake.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
The main objectives concern the fight against capitalist power, privatization, resistance to overbuilding and the cementation of natural green areas. The activists want to oppose the new capitalist projects that since the Nineties have aimed to make the area at the service of private interests, asking the municipality for the expropriation of that part of the ex-Snia, which is still privately owned. They consider the park a common good that needs to be owned and used by the community without capitalist exploitation or further privatization. In the words of one of the activists: “We want to be the largest re-naturalised post-industrial settlement in Rome”. The main values concern the protection of urban nature, the importance of creating commons to fight against speculation, and the valorisation of the workers’ stories in an area with a polluted and noxious recent past.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
The initiative’s history is intertwined with the history of the industrial plant and comes from afar. In 1922 the plant was located by the Società Generale Italiana della Viscosa (Italian General Society of Viscose) and started its activity in 1923. The choice of the location is influenced, among other reasons, by the massive presence of water in the area. In 1944 an Allied bombing raid hit the factory, severely damaging it. Despite this episode, the factory resumed operations after the Second World War, but began a considerable decline that led to the loss of labour, from over 1,600 workers in 1949 to only around 120 in 1953. The decline was accompanied by demonstrations: in 1949 there was a 40-day occupation of the factory asking to improve working conditions and wages. The factory closed in 1954. In 1969 the land became part of the Snia Viscosa estate, and by 1982 it was owned by the Società Immobiliare Snia s.r.l.
In 1990 the builder Antonio Pulcini, through the company Ponente 1978, purchased the warehouses and surrounding area (AAVV, 2023). In 1992, he started the construction of a shopping mall. During the excavation for the underground parking, the excavators eroded the Acqua Bullicante aquifer. The building site filled up with water and attempts to pump it away through the sewer system failed. On the contrary, the sewer burst and the water leaked out flooding the entire area of the nearby Largo Preneste. Then the work finally stopped (Archivio Maria Baccante, 2018). In the following years, the water level stabilised and formed a lake. Its extension is about 10,000 square meters and its depth is about 9 meters, with clean and swimmable waters. On 22 May 1992, a regional decree ordered the cancellation of the building permit for Pulcini’s project.
In 1994 the Rome City Council approved the project to turn part of the Snia Viscosa area into a public green area and started the expropriation procedure. In 1995 the former Snia is listed as an area of archaeological interest. The Snia factory is also preserved as industrial archaeology. The same year activists occupied the former warehouses to guard the park that was to be created. On this occasion, the Occupied Social Centre CSOA ex Snia opens (AAVV, 2023).
In the abandoned offices of the former factory, numerous folders with workers’ and employees’ files, drawings, plans, and blueprints of the technical office, and workers’ medical records were found, collected, and safeguarded. In 2012, the Archival Superintendency of Lazio recognised the cultural interest of the archive (Archivio Maria Baccante, 2018). Now these documents, recognised as heritage, are kept in the Park House in the Centro Documentazione Territoriale Maria Baccante – Archivio storico Viscosa, constituted in 2015.
Photo of The Centro Documentazione Territoriale Maria Baccante. Workers’ documents.
Images by Cecilia Pasini
The park opened in 1997 and other areas were expropriated and made public in 2000. In 2007 the Energy Park Committee was created. This is committed to the protection of the existing park and the realisation of a broader park system. The Park Committee will later become part of the Forum. In 2011 the House of the Park and the Forum were born, the municipal administration, the Municipality of Rome VI, various associations, committees, and citizens of the neighbourhood participated in the meetings. In 2011 the WWF Pigneto Prenestino Committee is born. In 2014 a thousand people participating in a demonstration obtained the opening of the gate of the former factory and reached the lake and the public green area. The Rome City Council approved a motion tabled by an ecologist political group, which partly incorporated the demands made by the Forum for the protection of the lake, the completion of the expropriation, and the opening to the public of the area around the lake. In the same period, the Forum submitted a request for protection of the former Snia industrial complex.
In 2018 the activists presented an appeal to the President of the Lazio Region to establish the Natural Monument of the former Snia Lake and in 2019 they asked to enlarge the Natural Monument area. In 2020 the President of the Region established the “Lago ex Snia- Viscosa” Natural Monument and placed it under environmental protection. One part of the ex-Snia is still owned by the Ponente 1978 company which started a project in 2022 with the official aim of “conservative restoration and partial restructuring” (AAVV, 2023). According to the Forum and to the local WWF, the real aim is to establish in the area a logistics hub. In the same year, the Forum asks again to the local and regional authorities to enlarge the perimeter of the ex Snia – Viscosa Lake Natural Monument.
Which limits (institutional, physical, social, etc.) does it encounter?
The main problem of the initiative seems to be the big dimension of the ex-Snia area that is considered by the municipality and by the privates as a field for private investments and economic exploitation. Nowadays different parts of the area have different statuses and different forms of recognition and protection. Even if the institutions, in particular the Lazio Region, have been active in the protection of the lake, some other decisions seem to stretch out towards interests of privatization. Additionally, the strategy of the promoters of the initiative asking for preservation of the natural and archival heritage has been successful, but at the same time makes the possible future of the initiative strictly connected to the political decisions of the institutional actors.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
The main problem is about the private interests that threaten the stability of the initiative. The majority of the ex-Snia has been expropriated by the municipality, but a part is still privately owned by the Ponente 1978 company that is trying to establish a new economic activity.
Another threat is the condition of the buildings where the Snia had its production, which has been polluted for so many years that would need an evaluation of the ecological condition from a technical point of view.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
The main strength of the initiative is the capability to build relationships inside and outside the neighbourhood. The initiative has been at the core of various academic papers and the activists are available to spread and communicate the initiative with people interested. Additionally, the aims of the initiatives the activists carried out are close to the neighbourhood needs and identity, in particular the closeness between the history of the plant and the history of families and individuals living in Prenestino.
The special occurrence of the human-nonhuman coalition is something particularly linked to the physical characteristics of the area that are difficult to reproduce in other contexts. Anyway, the idea to re-signify a former industrial area, with the appropriation of space and a memory, is something possible for the majority of the abandoned ruins of the industrial era. It can be made also by valorising and protecting the urban wilderness as well as in the ex-Snia.
Another strength of the initiative concerns the multiform knowledge and the different skills that the activists mobilise, even the more technical and scientific ones (Gissara, 2018). Everybody brings their own capabilities and previous experiences to contribute to the common good.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements, long-term sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)?
The initiative has been important in the political decision made by the Region since the Nineties to expropriate the ex-Snia area in order to create a Natural Monument, and for the creation in 2015 of the Centro Documentazione Territoriale Maria Baccante – Archivio storico Viscosa within the Park House. This implies that the initiative has been successful in relating with the political elites, negotiating some positive political outputs, while retaining at the same time its antagonistic and alternative role with respect to institutional politics. The process has been a real long-term initiative that is nowadays incorporated into the political, social and economic life of the neighbourhood, and the assembly is still working, asking for the expropriation of the last privately owned part of the former industrial plant. The initiative is widely recognized within Rome, and more broadly in Italy, as a successful initiative to oppose the privatisation and speculation on the industrial heritage, as well as to defend the preservation of nature and green urban spaces.
References
AA.VV. (2023) Il Lago Bullicante Ex-Snia “Lago per Tuttə – Cemento per Nessunə”. Retrieved from https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/38259072ca4d4b2490fa70a3460abe68 [last accessed 10 July 2023].
Armiero, M. (2021). L’era degli scarti. Cronache dal Wasteocene, la discarica globale. Torino: Einaudi.
Centro Documentazione Territoriale Maria Baccante (2013). La fabbrica. Retrieved from https://www.archivioviscosa.org/la-fabbrica/ [last accessed 10 July 2023].
Centro documentazione territoriale Maria Baccante (2018). L’acqua e la carta: il ritrovamento dell’archivio storico Viscosa. Zapruder, 47, 124-127.
Elliott, R. (2018). The Sociology of Climate Change as a Sociology of Loss. European Journal of Sociology / Archives Européennes De Sociologie, 59(3), 301-337.
Feltrin L., Mah A. and Brown D. (2022). Noxious deindustrialization: Experiences of precarity and pollution in Scotland’s petrochemical capital. Politics and Space, 40(4), 950-969.
Gissara, M. (2018). Intorno al lago. La riappropriazione popolare dell’area dell’ex Snia Viscosa a Roma. Tracce Urbane. Rivista Italiana Transdisciplinare Di Studi Urbani, 2(4), 218-236.
Maggioli M. and Tabusi M. (2016). Energie sociali e lotta per i luoghi. Il ‘Lago naturale’ nella zona dell’ex CISA/Snia Viscosa a Roma. Rivista Geografica Italiana, 123(3), 365-382.
Image 1: “Tarlataban – A grassroots gathering full of solidarity” by Alper Can Kılıç. February 2018.
Source: https://tinyurl.com/tarlataban. Image with permission to use by Tarlataban.
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the
beneficiaries?
Tarlataban community was formed at Boğaziçi University. Boğaziçi University is a state university in Istanbul, Turkey. The university campus is located in Beşiktaş district, Bebek neighbourhood. Tarlataban is the name of the green space where the collective was meeting for urban agriculture activities and discussions on food politics. Tarlataban literally means the field (tarla) at the bottom (taban), referring to the location of the field on the university campus.
Volunteer students and academics started the initiative. They came together and asked for logistic support from the university administration, such as land for urban gardening and necessary tools. Later, people outside the university also joined the community. Those people included students from other universities, activists and ordinary citizens “with an interest in an alternative food system” as one of the earliest volunteers of the community, Mustafa says. The beneficiaries include but are not limited to the community members since Tarlataban’s influence far exceeded campus boundaries.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
The community contributes to the adaptation to and mitigation of climate change. Tarlataban positions itself within the food sovereignty movement. They embrace ecological farming principles and follow agroecology. Their methods respect the carbon cycle and climate system, and also protect and enhance biodiversity. Çiğdem, another volunteer who put her efforts into the foundation of the community and worked actively for long years, agrees with the community’s positive contribution to climate. She claims the initiative helped reduce GHG emissions by “shortening the production-consumption chain”. Mustafa adds that engaging in farming practices makes people more aware of the effects of their choices on the ecosystems. He also believes that “putting effort for an alternative food supply chain free of exploitation might be one of the many meaningful steps to take against climate change”.
●What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
The community was part of a tripartite structure. The purpose was to establish a holistic food system at the campus, including a gardening community that produces food from the field; a consumer cooperative (BUKOOP – Boğaziçi Members Consumer Cooperative) that works directly with the small-scale local producers in Turkey and Tarlataban community; and a Student Cooperative that would prepare affordable, fair and healthy meals for students using the ingredients produced by Tarlataban and the producers of BUKOOP. Tarlataban strictly used only heirloom seeds and no synthetic chemicals, fertilisers or pesticides. Their ultimate purpose was not to grow food but to establish a model for urban food sovereignty. In Mustafa’s words, they were keen to “initiate and foster a debate about alternative agriculture techniques that might pave the way for a more fair, healthy, exploitation-free and ecologically-friendly food supply chain”.
Image 2: Tarlataban community working together on the field in their first year. May 2012. Source: https://tarlataban.files.wordpress.com/2012/05/2012-05-06-13-04-09.jpg. Image with permission to use by Tarlataban.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
The idea for a collective agriculture initiative was born after the Starbucks Occupation at the campus towards the end of 2011 (Bostan Hikayeleri, 2017). Students occupied the shop, stating that it was the capital’s occupation of a common area that belonged to the university. They were against the neoliberal occupation of public spaces. They used the term “counter-occupation” for their activism (Kocagöz, 2012). They demanded access to fair, healthy and affordable food within the campus area.
The volunteers established the tripartite structure in 2012 with the help of the university administration. Tarlataban’s first harvest also dates to 2012. Using the products from the field, they cooked meals for students and sold them near the university cafeteria and in the small building called “Baraka” (barrack) the Student Cooperative and BUKOOP used. After the 2013 Gezi Park protests in Istanbul, the city experienced a bloom of solidarity collectives. Many other urban gardening initiatives, food cooperatives and solidarity kitchens were formed. Sometimes, Tarlataban’s harvest was excessive for a limited volunteer group to process; they shared that excess with a migrant solidarity kitchen in the city centre. The big greenhouse in the Tarlataban area was used to produce seedlings from seeds. Tarlataban opened their greenhouse for collective use. They distributed the seedlings to the other collectives in the city, for they lacked such infrastructure. The community experienced several years full of production and solidarity.
Image 3: Inside Tarlataban’s greenhouse. January 2015. Source: https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=1043789885637807&set=pb.100064517147201.-2207520000.
Image with permission to use by Tarlataban.
After 2015, the government of Turkey significantly increased its pressure on the university. The outsiders’ entries to the campus got restricted. That way, the collective started to lose its active participants. In 2016, the President of Turkey, Erdoğan, ended the democratic rectorate elections and appointed a new rector to the university (“Bogazici Kayyum Tarihcesi”, n.d.). In 2018, the appointed rectorate of the university chained the doors of Tarlataban and made the space inaccessible to the community. This marks the ending of the old Tarlataban.
However, during those years of political turmoil, a new community was formed with the newcomer students. Among them, some had the chance to experience the old place with the founding community members. The new Tarlataban community requested entrance to the locked Tarlataban area to continue gardening activities. The administration didn’t allow them to use the old tarla; instead, showed them another place on campus. Their reasoning was that the old field was a difficult place to control and secure. In 2019, the community got their new tarla, but their seeds and gardening tools in the old place were destroyed (Tarlataban Bogazici, 2019).
The new community has been struggling hard to survive under the despotic top-down rule of the appointed administrators. Student meetings and collaborative work in the campus area are very rare because of the current atmosphere. As a result, gardening activities also freeze. Presently, volunteers stay in contact through social platforms and try to reactivate the community.
Who are the actors involved? What are their backgrounds?
Students who came together for the Starbucks Occupation and the Environmental Club members (a student community) constituted the founding team. They collaborated with supportive academics and communicated their requests to the university administration towards the end of 2011. Campus gardeners helped them with their first seeding in the spring of 2012. The actors diversified in time and included administrative personnel, civil servants, NGO members, activists and urban dwellers. The students came from different fields, such as social sciences, engineering and natural sciences. Most of them were urbanites without experience in agriculture, but some of their families were farmers. Some participants who joined the community outside the university shared their knowledge and experience in traditional and ecological agriculture with the Tarlataban community. During the regular weekend meetings, other initiatives visited Tarlataban. Those visitors include bicycle collectives, feminist groups, volunteers of other urban gardening collectives, musicians, journalists, documentarists, and researchers.
Which limits does it encounter?
In Tarlataban’s establishment period, Boğaziçi University had a free and democratic atmosphere compared to its recent years. The administration was supportive of student activities. The university was open to the public. People could come and join student activities on campus. For maintaining the garden work, this was important. Because, for example, in summer terms students were mostly absent, and participants coming outside did the necessary work such as irrigation. From time to time, these seasonal difficulties and the voluntary structure of the initiative were experienced as limitations by the community. However, it was a lively space that attracted people. Participants coming outside took active roles and contributed a lot. That way, the collective labour and solidarity over this urban garden continued for years.
However, a more serious limitation for Tarlataban was Turkey’s political direction towards authoritarianism. In the 2015-2016 period, Turkey experienced a series of bomb attacks and a coup attempt that failed. Security concerns were the most prominent issue on the country’s agenda. Boğaziçi University also had its share of this situation. In 2016, Erdoğan appointed the university’s rector himself, not recognising the result of the democratic rectorate election held within the university. The new university administration first wanted the Tarlataban community to provide a list of visitors coming outside of the campus, then restricted the entrance of outsiders, then put a chain to the doors of the community garden and fired the community out of their space completely in 2018. This process corresponds to the fast anti-democratisation of Turkey.
In the following years, President Erdoğan continued to appoint administrators to many universities, including Boğaziçi. Some opposing academic and administrative staff were dismissed and banned from the university. Waves of arrests targeted the academics and students, the university campus got terrorised by the police force. This caused the forced distancing of the students from the university. When it comes to Tarlataban, some of its volunteers were imprisoned, and some were banned by the rectorate because they attended the protests on campus. Thus, in those years and at the present time, the biggest limitation for Tarlataban initiative is the autocratic rule both in the country and in the university.
Image 4: Photo taken by Behram Evlice. The police handcuffed Boğaziçi University’s gate. January 2021.
Source: https://pbs.twimg.com/media/Eq6aDc4XIAEDXqF?format=jpg&name=large.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic
issues can arise from its implementation?
The community’s voluntary structure comes with its shortcomings regarding the maintenance of the garden work. Because the initiative was located on the university campus, holidays were hard times for people concerned about the organisation of the work. Summertimes were even more challenging, for plants needed care and irrigation when students were not around.
Another shortcoming is the scale of the initiative. The debates over food and agriculture, the activism of the community members and the agricultural production of Tarlataban were limited in scale. Its capacity was not big enough to provide fair, ecological and affordable food for the whole university. In the end, the community wanted to establish a model. Turning this model into a widespread application requires the collaboration of institutions with greater means. Civil initiatives put their efforts into multiplying such collectives throughout the city. But if the governmental bodies do not support people and even discourage them, such implementations become problematic.
Another difficulty regarding the wide-scale implementation of this model is the neoliberal-capitalist economic frame that shapes markets and agricultural activity. The rules of the game that favours commercial industry giants pose serious challenges for these small-scale initiatives to transform the food system and become significant actors.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
Boğaziçi community’s food sovereignty model is applicable in other university settings that support such ideas. Suppose the campus has an area that can be used for gardening activities and there are volunteers to maintain the activities. With some equipment, an initiative could easily be established.
The Tarlataban model can be modified and adapted for the local districts as well. Indeed, after the Gezi Park protests in Istanbul in 2013, this kind of solidarity movements spread throughout the city. Many other urban gardening communities and food cooperatives were formed with the assistance of the Boğaziçi experience. Some local governments provided land for community gardening and small stores for cooperative initiatives. Since these practices are alternatives to commercial businesses, having commons is important for people to come together, design and test their alternative systems. Even if the governmental bodies do not provide support, people search and find solutions to realise their utopias. However, the Tarlataban example shows that a minimum condition is necessary: the administrators and governments should not be afraid of the potential of collectives and do not prevent them from dreaming and acting together.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes?
Tarlataban mentally transformed and prepared its participants regarding the ecological crises, including the climate, biodiversity and food crises. Many volunteers later focused on environmental issues in their academic studies and worked for environmental NGOs. The initiative could have continued contributing to the sustainability of student life by providing ecological and affordable food. Currently, there is a severe inflation crisis in Turkey; the prices rise so fast. As a result, the quality and quantity of the food sold in the campus area decreased. Students suffer from the economic crisis greatly. If not prevented, such a holistic structure could have reduced the economic stress on students. Experiencing solidarity and community spirit would also contribute to people’s mental well-being in these hard times.
Such initiatives are also good examples for governmental bodies. Their practices can assist local governments regarding environmental and climate policy designs. Indeed, recently, Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality was reorganising a municipal park near the university and invited the Tarlataban community for collaboration. Tarlataban will survive and remind us even in the middle of a megacity like Istanbul, on a university campus, food sovereignty practices are possible and can be transformative.
References
Bogazici Kayyum Tarihcesi. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://bogazicikayyumtarihcesi.com/#/76C592CE
Bostan Hikayeleri. (2017, November 2). Tarlataban. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QuFoY7rUVAg
Kocagöz, U. (2012, February). Karşı İşgal Deneyimi: Neo-Liberalizm ve Kamusal (Birikim). Retrieved from http://starbuckssenligi.blogspot.com/2012/02/kars-isgal-deneyimi-neo-liberalizm-ve.html
Tarlataban Bogazici. (2019, July 15). Tarla’dan Tekrar Merhaba. Retrieved from https://tarlataban.home.blog/2019/07/15/example-post/
By Stefanie Naoun
Screenshots taken from Ruge el bosque’s website. The artwork was designed by Clarisa Chervin, with permission to use the images by Dr. Valeria Meiller
Ecoteca is an experimental podcast recorded in Spanish available in Spotify. It seeks to preserve landscapes from the Southern Cone. The name derivates from the words eco and thèque. It is an archive of environmental degradation stories fighting to preserve the climatic, linguistic, and political ecosystems of Abya Yala/Afro/Latin America; all terms alluding to the same ground. Abya Yala refers to the New World in the indigenous language of Guna. These guided listening sessions are accompanied by sonic reverberations, ecopoetry, and city movements. The second episode focuses strictly on sacrifice zones in the locality of Quintero and Puchuncaví, Chile. The National Institutes of Health defines these sites as “hot spots of chemical pollution where residents live immediately adjacent to heavily polluted industries”. In other words, places where the community’s wellbeing is unjustly sacrificed purely for economic growth approved by the government in a disproportionate manner. These locals are frequently people of color and belong to lower socioeconomic statuses; demonstrating that capitalism’s inequalities affect racialized and marginalized communities. In 2018, a state of sanitary emergency was declared in Quintero and Puchuncaví due to the formation of a toxic yellow cloud arising from the industrial park. It contained substances such as methyl chloroform, toluene, and nitrobenzene, leaving more than a thousand inhabitants affected (Peña, 2019). Ecoteca’s episode braids together a script that delves into the manifold problems raised in the sacrificial zones of the Southern Cone by interlacing political ecologies with the work of three poets, Carlos Soto Román, Victoria Cóccaro, and Ana Gayoso with the percussionist Federico Orio, specifically commissioned for the episode. Ecoteca recognizes that environmental degradation is irreversible. However, it spreads awareness about climate change while visualizing cruel capitalist practices. Episode two lasts nearly 25 minutes; it is concise and persuasive.
Photograph taken by Anita Peña Saavedra (2019)
The image above shows the CODELCO (Corporación Nacional del Cobre de Chile) Ventana complex in Quintero-Puchuncaví, which is currently the largest power plant in Chile. It is a coal-fired electrical generating station that has erased nature’s color in the area and painted it literally and metaphorically gray. CODELCO focuses on copper mining while its Ventana complex ventures into thermoelectric power generation. The Quintero-Puchuncaví area has been the subject of environmental concerns due to these activities, leading to air pollution and contamination. However, this is not the only industrial facility threatening the bay. There are oil refineries, chemical plants, and ports. Its designation as a sacrifice zone reflects that the interest of economic development has taken precedence over the wellbeing of living and nonliving entities.
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the
beneficiaries?
Ecoteca is a subdivision of Ruge el bosque, an anthology series combining literature and ecology. The poems shared in the second episode belong to volume 1. The initiative’s main promoters are the Latin American Studies Association (LASA) and the University of Texas in San Antonio (UTSA). Ruge el bosque received the 2022 Ford-LASA Special Projects grant and UTSA’s INTRA 2023 research grant. The project director is Valeria Meiller, who is additionally part of the editing team. Whitney DeVos and Javiera Pérez Salerno are co-editors. However, the project has more collaborators such as graphic designer Clarisa Chervin and Celeste Precioso who is in charge of sound design. Frederico Durand is the podcast’s musician and creates minimalistic melodies. Analía Iglesias has created collages and Sofía Stel is the website’s proofreader. All individuals involved have written an ecobiography that can be found on the website explaining their proximity to nature and interests regarding environmental humanities. The podcast initiates dialogues among activist groups, artists, and institutions while acting as a grassroot scheme to avoid the erasure of biomes. Its founders believe climatic urgency requires a combination of strategies: ethos, pathos, and logos. The crisis requires the unity and action of all global citizens, in whichever manifestation possible, including the artistic field. Ecoteca is a subsection of Ruge el bosque seeking to initiate transnational and intercultural conversations about the role of Latin American literature in the context of the current climate crisis.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation,
adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
Ecoteca engages with climate by opposing the destruction of habitats and linguistic extinction. It strives for the harmonious kinship between humans, animals, territories, and nonliving entities.
This project aspires to reach diverse audiences; to call attention to the intersectional issues of the current ecological crisis from the power of poetry. It tackles both, the mitigation and adaptation dimensions of climate change from an indirect stance. It criticizes anthropocentric practices. In particular, extractive industries such as thermoelectric plants causing permanent and corrosive impacts on landscape, putting everything and everyone at risk. Ecoteca understands that these industries will not cease to exist. However, it desires the implementation of controlled practices; the problem is not necessarily the Anthropocene, and rather Moore’s idea of the Capitalocene. As for the mitigation part, by critiquing thermoelectric plants in the previously mentioned sacrificial zone, it promotes the transition to renewable energy sources such as solar, wind, hydro, and geothermal power; hopefully reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Ecoteca’s implicit and explicit outcomes also include sustainable land use. In line with the adaptation element, the podcast (not limited to second episode) hopes for water management strategies, agricultural adaptation, and mainly, ecosystem conservation and restoration. This second episode explains how sacrifice zones disrupt communities, lead to environmental injustice, addresses its health impacts, talks about the economic dependance on polluting industries, and offers a voice for the residents of Quintero-Puchincaví and the environment.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
Its main objectives are to promote respect for the environment and lend it a voice for causes and communities that go unheard. Its central values are:
- Resilience: Authors, musicians, professors, graphic designers, and researchers united with the sole purpose of spreading awareness in a creative manner. Mixing auditory and visual senses to strengthen message reception.
- Advocacy: Every person involved in the project advocates for minority groups and their stolen territory.
- Awareness: Ecoteca makes visible environmental threats and demands action.
- Justice: The project wishes to aid in societal and infrastructural reconstruction. To witness regions not suffering from the disproportionate effects of climate change. Ecoteca fights for the wellness of marginalized groups.
- Coexistence: Living and nonliving entities from Abya Yala in peace. A relationship displaying values from commensalism or Jason W. Moore’s idea of ending cheap nature. Humans should stop appropriating nature’s gifts, reminding us that the problem is not the Anthropocene and rather the ‘Capitalocene’.
- Hopeful future: Aspiring to live in a society that takes accountability regarding the climate crisis and fights injustices. Ecoteca promotes imaginative exercises as well.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
There will be a total of eight episodes. Ecoteca’s first episode aired on April 13, 2023 while the second one came out on May 17. The release date for other episodes is still unknown. However, they will follow a similar pattern to the previous two. It can be speculated that a different episode will be released every month. Among its visible effects are reaching multiple Latin American individuals and spreading awareness about sacrifice zones in the bay of Quintero and Puchuncaví, Chile. The podcast is advertised on Ruge el bosque’s social media platforms (Instagram and Twitter) and it is available on Spotify. Every time an episode comes out, the link is shared on social media along with a post.
Which limits and shortcomings does it encounter?
Ecoteca and Ruge el bosque have limited funding and depend on their director to constantly apply for grants. Being realistic, they are not guaranteed to receive support. However, regardless of this shortcoming, the team is still willing to allocate time for researching more financial opportunities. Another limitation is that it is currently only available in Spanish. Although Spanish is among the world’s top five languages in terms of number of speakers and geographic extension, the lingua franca is still English. If this project could be translated, the audience reached would be much broader. However, the main shortcoming is that translating poetry turns into a difficult task. Rhymes, if any, tend to be lost along with puns or clever literary devices. The podcast should be kept as faithful as the original as possible.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
This podcast can easily be replicated in other regions. A climate issue in a city must be identified. In the case of Ecoteca, it follows the following structure:
- Episode one – destruction of wetlands.
- Episode two – sacrifice zones.
- Episode three – contaminated water.
- Episode four – the extinction of indigenous languages and its interrelation to habitat loss.
- Episode five – endangered species.
- Episode six – forests.
- Episode seven – grasslands.
- Episode eight – the city with an emphasis on e-waste.
Each episode targets a different city from the Southern Cone; a geographical subregion of South America typically covering Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay. In Spotify, there is a distinct graphic piece per episode, along with a description of the content, poets’ names, and a brief acknowledgements section. The podcast scripts must consist of an introduction, at least 3 poems relating to the issue, the author’s implications to the climate crisis, background music, and credits. Interviewing citizens living in the affected area and including their statements can also be beneficial. There is plenty of artistic freedom when it comes to a project like this. What is most important is devoting plenty of time to contact potential participants, selecting the appropriate content, researching, and setting the agenda. There are many tasks involved when it comes to creating a podcast. The team must be communicative, respectful, responsive, and most importantly, passionate about the crisis. Each poet is asked to read their selected materials and it can be recorded asynchronously. I invite all Spanish speakers to visit the website and listen to it. The creation of a similar podcast must require a pre-production phase, episode preparation, recording, editing and postproduction, revision, and promotion. Applying to grants, fellowships, and securing partnerships are important steps in the replication of the project.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes?
This podcast initiative can be conducive to broader changes in multiple ways. First, it can raise awareness by educating listeners about environmental threats while presenting well-researched and compelling information such as deforestation, habitat loss, extinction, and so on in specific areas of the Southern Cone. Secondly, the podcast can inspire listeners to take individual or collective actions. By showcasing these heartbreaking stories, environmental conservation, sustainability, and positive change can emerge as a result. Listeners can be motivated to adopt environmentally friendly practices, spread information, and support relevant organizations. Podcasts can play an influential role when it comes to policy advocacy. Perhaps, it can contribute to public discourse with audiences eager to propose new ideas and debate existing policies to prioritize environmental protection, sustainability, and improve quality of life. Policy makers could even listen to the podcast. Overall, it can be concluded that Ecoteca can reach wide audiences, raise awareness, educate, inspire action, facilitate dialogue, and mobilize individuals. Ecoteca seeks to underscore how the region’s poetic production shapes emerging politics, demonstrating that poetry can work as a way of preserving endangered ecosystems and even languages. Nature is constantly speaking; it is simply that we fail to hear it. That is why the podcast acts as a mediator or dare I say, interpreter. It is impossible to avoid anthropocentric discourse. However, the podcast would like to imagine that if nature could talk, it would verbalize its state and needs, even though it already does through climate change. Nature is the voice of the Earth and is hurting because its ecosystems are being disrupted.
References
Lerner, S. (2010). “Sacrifice Zones: The Front Lines of Toxic Chemical Exposure in the United States.” The National Institutes of Health. Accessed on May 20, 2023.
Peña, A. (2019). “Historic victory for citizens of Chile’s ‘sacrifice zone’.” OpenDemocracy.
Accessed on June 2, 2023.
By Anyi Viviana Castelblanco Montañez
Cambium association
This entry is written by a member of the CAMBIUM association.
The Spanish version is below.
Where is the grassroots initiative implemented?
The Chiguaza urban garden and environmental classroom is located in Colombia, more specifically in the city of Bogota, in the Miraflores neighborhood. Its promoters are the CAMBIUM Association, of which I am a member. This is a collective project to build a more harmonious relationship with nature.
Who are the promoters?
The CAMBIUM Association (whose acronym in English is Climate, Environment, Research-action Uniting Worlds); is a civil society organization formed in Colombia by professionals and activists who are aware of the urgency to achieve profound changes in the ways of inhabiting the world. Members of CAMBIUM are united by a common interest in researching, training, and trying to influence public opinion on issues related to climate change, mitigation and adaptation. The association believes that local knowledge is crucial to foster this radical change.
Our objective is to directly and indirectly influence decisions regarding climate change. The association tries to achieve this goal especially through knowledge production and dissemination, working with citizens’ science and local knowledge. CAMBIUM explores global and local strategies of adaptation to climate change and transformation of society and nature relations, adopting a gender approach and an intersectional perspective.
The beginning of the urban garden. Photo by Anyi Castelblanco
Who are the beneficiaries?
In the midst of this dream, we wanted to build our environmental classroom, not only to reflect on the climate crisis, but also to generate actions that would allow us to contribute and transform our relationship with nature. To that extent, the benefit is for the community around the environmental classroom, which ceased to be “the neighborhood garbage dump” to become a green lung in the middle of the city. At the same time, universities and high schools’ students do their internships in this scenario, where in addition to learning about the current climate crisis, they work hand in hand with CAMBIUM to cultivate, compost and recover the soil.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
This is an Action Research initiative that combines research and reflection with concrete actions aiming to transform our relationship with nature, thus mitigating and adapting to the current crisis.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
CAMBIUM aims to recover the peasant practices of the inhabitants of the neighborhood as a way to nurture and build the community, by rescuing its memory and defending the environmental heritage of the eastern hills of a city with its mountains and water.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
At first, this environmental classroom began virtually. We began to exchange knowledge with a group of students from the Minuto de Dios’ University in 2021, Later, the opportunity arose to find a space to build our environmental classroom. This was in Miraflores, a neighborhood that grew in the context of armed violence in the country, which displaced millions of peasants, and has deepened the growing social inequality. Faced with these difficulties, many people began to inhabit the eastern hills and spread out into the high Andean jungle. Miraflores is an example of the displacement and concentration of land in a country that, according to Oxfam (2017), is the second most unequal in the world.
The research-action in process. Photo by Liza Gaitán
That place, although full of garbage, has allowed us to dream of many possibilities to learn and teach what we know. Started in 2022, our urban garden remains a pedagogical tool to talk about environmental problems and begin to transform our perspectives about the territory. While developing our initiative, we have built a close and friendly relationship with people living in the area collaborating with nearby urban gardens.
Which limits does it encounter? Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
But we have also had difficulties. The first one was to stop conceiving the place as a garbage dump. To change the common perspective on this place, we organized collective walks aiming to uncover the history of the place and rethink our connections with it.
We continue working and transforming. Photo by Anyi Castelblanco
We have then organized walking tours with young people from different parts of Bogota to know the stories of the place, recognize the plants, understand its connections to the rest of the city, and discover the water streams that run through it. In 2023 we have organized tours through the mountains of the city, understanding the connections with the moors that surround the city and allow us to have access to clean water.
The walks allowed us to understand that we are surrounded by water and we are part of the Chiguaza river basin, hence we decided to give this name to our space. The Chiguaza water stream is part of the indigenous worldview of the city, where the waters are sacred and hide the magical stories and adventures of the Muyscas divinities. According to Rincon and Urrutia (2019), Chiguaza was born on the hill of Zuque, in the Páramo. 69 years ago, it was still an immense stream.
Chiguaza is an indigenous word that means “wave moon”. Our ancestors gave this name referring to the shadow of the moon on this river. In the Indigenous culture, the Muyscas divinities sent two beautiful girls to the mountains of the Southeast. One became the Chiguaza water stream and the other the Agua Azul water stream. The rainbow began to visit them frequently and delighted with their beauty began to speak with other divinities about them. The Zuque, one of the deities, heard about them and asked the rainbow if he could meet them.
In this way Zuque and Chiguaza met and fell in love. And in this way, a water stream was born. Likewise, Rainbow and Agua Azul fell in love too. However, the Muyscas divinities found out and punished the rainbow by exiling him . That’s the reason why the rainbow wanders the world looking for his beloved Agua Azul from river to river. In other wise, Zuque and Chiguaza were allowed to be together with the task to take care of the water stream. Since then the two water streams run parallel and in the middle of them is a small body of water and our urban garden.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings? Is this initiative conducive to broader changes?
These initiatives can be replicated in various urban settings, anywhere in the world. This initiative allows us to understand four fundamental issues: 1. The importance of soil for life; 2. The need to be more aware of our waste and the impacts of garbage on our land and water; 3. The hard work involved in food production; 4. Urban agriculture as a real alternative to adapt and mitigate the climate crisis.
Although our dream still has a long way to go, I consider that the collective effort reveals radical transformations in the territories. Feeling and contemplating the land, our relationship with waste, composting, caring for other living beings that nourish us, witnessing the greening of a space once filled with debris, learning to nurture and see other beings grow, and noticing the increasing presence of pollinators – all of these elements allow us to understand that utopia and dreams slowly can become reality by building and uniting other worlds.
We continue working and transforming. Photo by Anyi Castelblanco
Bibliography
OXFAM (2017) Radiografía de la desigualdad. Lo que nos dice el último censo agropecuario sobre la distribución de tierra en Colombia. https://oi-files-d8-prod.s3.eu-west-2.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/file_attachments/radiografia_de_la_desigualdad.pdf
Rincón, C. and Urrutia, H. (2019) Mito de la Chiguaza: https://www.facebook.com/escuelitaKimy/posts/mito-de-la-chiguaza/711499029350380/?locale=es_LA
Nuestra aula ambiental: La huerta urbana Chiguaza
Anyi Viviana Castelblanco Montañez
Asociación Cambium
Esta entrada fue escrita por una integrante de la Asociación Cambium.
¿Dónde se implementa esta iniciativa?
La huerta urbana y aula ambiental Chiguaza se encuentra en Colombia, específicamente en la ciudad de Bogotá, en el barrio Miraflores. Sus promotores son la Asociación CAMBIUM, de la cual soy miembro. Este es un proyecto colectivo para construir una relación más armoniosa con la naturaleza.
¿Quiénes son los promotores?
La Asociación CAMBIUM (Clima, Ambiente, Investigación-Acción Uniendo Mundos) es una organización de la sociedad civil formada en Colombia, compuesta por varios profesionales y activistas, que nos ha permitido tomar conciencia de la urgencia de transformar nuestra relación con la naturaleza en nuestra sociedad, lo cual exige lograr cambios profundos en las formas de habitar el mundo. En CAMBIUM nos unimos por nuestro interés en investigar, formar e influir, a través de la acción y el rescate y fortalecimiento del conocimiento local, en temas relacionados con el cambio climático, la mitigación y la adaptación. Nuestro objetivo es influir directa e indirectamente en los procesos llevados a cabo por la sociedad civil y los tomadores de decisiones relacionados con el cambio climático y su relación con el ambiente y la sociedad; a través de la formación ciudadana, el reconocimiento del conocimiento local y técnico, el diseño, la documentación y la investigación sobre estrategias globales y locales con especial énfasis en la adaptación al cambio climático y la transformación de las relaciones entre la sociedad y la naturaleza, todo con un enfoque de género y una visión interseccional.
El comienzo de la huerta urbana. Foto de Anyi Castelblanco
¿Quiénes son los beneficiarios?
En medio de este sueño, quisimos construir nuestro aula ambiental, no solo para reflexionar sobre la crisis climática, sino también para generar acciones que nos permitan contribuir y transformar nuestra relación con la naturaleza. En ese sentido, el beneficio es para la comunidad que rodea el aula ambiental, que dejó de ser “el basurero del barrio” para convertirse en un pulmón verde en medio de la ciudad. Al mismo tiempo, estudiantes universitarios y de secundaria hacen sus prácticas en este escenario, donde además de aprender sobre la crisis climática actual, trabajan codo a codo con CAMBIUM para cultivar, compostar y recuperar el suelo.
¿Cómo se relaciona esta iniciativa con el clima? ¿Aborda la mitigación, la adaptación, ambas u otras dimensiones del cambio climático? ¿Cuáles son los principales objetivos? ¿Cuáles son los principales valores?
Este sueño, que se hace cada vez más real, nos permitió construir nuestro aula ambiental. Con el propósito de investigar, reflexionar y generar acciones que nos permitan contribuir y transformar nuestra relación con la naturaleza, y así poder mitigar y adaptarnos a la crisis actual. La investigación-acción es parte de nuestro proyecto, por lo que no solo hablamos de agroecología, sino que al mismo tiempo la aplicamos en nuestro entorno urbano. Por lo tanto, este escenario nos permite recuperar las prácticas campesinas de los habitantes del barrio, nutrir y construir una memoria comunitaria y defender el patrimonio ambiental de los cerros orientales de una ciudad que tiene la suerte de estar rodeada de montañas y agua.
¿Cuál es la línea de tiempo? ¿Hay efectos visibles?
Inicialmente, este aula ambiental comenzó de forma virtual. Comenzamos a intercambiar conocimientos con un grupo de estudiantes de la Universidad Minuto de Dios en 2021; sin embargo, surgió la oportunidad de encontrar un espacio para construir nuestro aula ambiental. Esto fue en Miraflores, un barrio que creció en el contexto de la violencia armada en el país, que desplazó a millones de campesinos y ha profundizado la creciente desigualdad social. Frente a estas dificultades, muchas personas comenzaron a habitar los cerros orientales y a extenderse hacia la selva altoandina. Miraflores es un ejemplo del desplazamiento y concentración de tierras en un país que, según Oxfam (2017), es el segundo más desigual del mundo.
En ese lugar, aunque lleno de basura, nos ha permitido soñar con muchas posibilidades de aprender y enseñar lo que sabemos. Nuestro huerto urbano comenzó en 2022 y sigue siendo una estrategia pedagógica para hablar de problemas ambientales y comenzar a transformar nuestra perspectiva del territorio. Por eso, hemos hecho amistades e intercambiado conocimientos con un proceso de afecto; comenzamos a crear relaciones con huertos urbanos cercanos, donde trabajamos juntas para apoyarnos mutuamente y crecer juntas.
¿Qué límites encuentra? ¿Se ven deficiencias o puntos críticos? ¿Qué otras cuestiones problemáticas pueden surgir de su implementación?
Pero también hemos tenido dificultades. La primera fue dejar de concebir un lugar como un vertedero de basura, lo que nos llevó a generar conciencia en la comunidad a través de recorridos de reconocimiento de la historia del lugar que habitamos, pero también de la conexión con él.
Aunque aún debemos seguir trabajando en el barrio, hemos recorrido con jóvenes de diferentes partes de Bogotá para reconocer las historias, las plantas, las formas en que llegamos al barrio y conocer las quebradas de agua que lo atraviesan. En 2023 hemos realizado recorridos por las montañas, comprendiendo la conexión de los páramos que rodean la ciudad y nos permiten tener acceso a agua limpia.
La investigación-acción en proceso. Foto de Liza Gaitán
Continuamos trabajando y transformándonos. Foto de Anyi Castelblanco
Los recorridos nos permitieron entender que estamos rodeados de agua y que somos parte de la cuenca del río Chiguaza, por eso decidimos poner ese nombre a nuestro espacio. El arroyo Chiguaza forma parte de la cosmovisión indígena de la ciudad, donde las aguas son sagradas y esconden historias mágicas y aventuras de las divinidades Muyscas. Según Rincón y Urrutia (2019), Chiguaza nace en la colina de Zuque, en el páramo. Hace 69 años, todavía era una quebrada inmensa, donde se consumía agua.
Chiguaza es una palabra indígena que significa “luna ondulante”; fue bautizado por nuestros antepasados, producto de la reflexión producida por la luna sobre sus aguas a lo largo de su recorrido. Cuenta una historia de amor, donde las divinidades Muyscas enviaron a dos hermosas chicas a las montañas del sureste. Una se convirtió en la quebrada Chiguaza y la otra en la quebrada Agua Azul. El arco iris comenzó a visitarlos con frecuencia y, deleitado con su belleza, comenzó a hablar de ellas con otras divinidades. Zuque se enteró de ellas y le pidió al arco iris que le permitiera conocerlas.
De esta manera, Zuque y Chiguaza se conocieron y se enamoraron. Y así nació una quebrada. De la misma manera, el arco iris y Agua Azul comenzaron un amor. Sin embargo, las divinidades Muyscas se enteraron y castigaron al arco iris separándolo de su amada Agua Azul, quien fue condenada al exilio. Es por eso que el arco iris deambula por el mundo buscando a su amada Agua Azul de río en río. En cambio, a Zuque y Chiguaza se les permitió estar juntos con el propósito de cuidar la quebrada, desde entonces lss dos quebradas corren en paralelo y en medio de ellos hay un pequeño cuerpo de agua y nuestro huerto urbano.
¿Cómo sería potencialmente replicable en otros entornos? ¿Esta iniciativa conduce a cambios más amplios?
A partir de esta historia mágica de sueños y transformación con nuestro entorno, junto con los cambios que ha generado tanto en el territorio como en nuestra mentalidad y relación con la tierra, creo que estas iniciativas deberían replicarse en diversos entornos urbanos alrededor del mundo. Esto se debe a que nos permite comprender cuatro aspectos fundamentales: 1. La importancia del suelo para la vida; 2. La necesidad de ser más conscientes sobre nuestros residuos y los impactos de la basura en nuestra tierra y agua; 3. El arduo trabajo que implica la producción de alimentos; 4. La agricultura urbana como una alternativa real para adaptarnos y mitigar la crisis climática.
Aunque nuestro sueño aún tiene un largo camino por recorrer y requiere de un mayor trabajo comunitario para consolidarse, considero que, a pesar del tiempo limitado, el esfuerzo colectivo revela transformaciones radicales en los territorios. Sentir y reflexionar sobre la tierra, nuestra relación con los desechos, el compostaje, el cuidado de otras formas de vida que nos alimentan, presenciar el reverdecimiento de un espacio antes lleno de escombros, aprender a cuidar y ver crecer a otros seres, y observar cómo llegan cada vez más polinizadores; todo esto nos ayuda a comprender que la utopía y los sueños se están convirtiendo lentamente en realidad al construir y unir otros mundos.
Continuamos trabajando y transformándonos. Foto de Anyi Castelblanco
Bibliography
OXFAM (2017) Radiografía de la desigualdad. Lo que nos dice el último censo agropecuario sobre la distribución de tierra en Colombia. https://oi-files-d8-prod.s3.eu-west-2.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/file_attachments/radiografia_de_la_desigualdad.pdf
Rincón, C. and Urrutia, H. (2019) Mito de la Chiguaza: https://www.facebook.com/escuelitaKimy/posts/mito-de-la-chiguaza/711499029350380/?locale=es_LA
By Lynthia White
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
City of Harare continues to expand as more and more people relocate from the rural areas to the city in anticipation of better standard of living (Masimba, 2021, p. 6). The demand for more housing led to the opening up of new areas further out from the CBD for development (Zinyama et al., 1993). This lateral expansion of the city has resulted in increased travel distances and changed the form of urban infrastructure promoting automobiles, increasing greenhouse gasses emissions and pollution. In the concept of climate change and migration, migrants modify social, environmental and economic systems. In this case, more migrants in Harare are contributing to increase in automobiles which is a contributor of greenhouse gasses. Harare Active Mobility (HAM) is a city initiative of the Harare City Council in partnership with numerous stakeholders in the city of Harare aiming at promoting walking and cycling. The supporters of the initiative include private organizations such as (Bikes for Zimbabwe; JM Busha Races; CaliGraph), NGOs such as (Inspire Zimbabwe; Miracle Missions; Road Safe Zimbabwe Trust) and citizens of Harare such as Jenna Hutchings who is helping to mobilize residents of Harare to support the initiative. The initiative intends to benefit all citizens of Harare because it is aim to restore vibrancy of the city through safer and sustainable modes of transport.
How does the initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
According to Dawson (2017), “Cities are one of the major drivers of climate chaos and they are also its principal victims” (p, 130). The Harare City promote use of automobiles which contribute 35% of the greenhouse gas emissions (Masimba, 2021, p. 6). The initiative aims to achieve Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 11 of promoting sustainable cities and communities and also SDG 13 of climate action (United Nations, 2023, p. 2). It focuses on utilizing walking and cycling in order to promote a smart city with reduced emissions from automobiles. HAM initiative engages with climate because it cares about reducing carbon emissions the major cause of climate change; with traffic contributing 25% of carbon emissions worldwide (Kamer, 2022, p. 15). Human energy or non-motorized transport such as bicycles and walking have a direct effect on mitigating climate change (Brand et al., 2021). The Citizen of Harare revealed that, “The air in the city of Harare is heavily polluted by poorly maintained vehicles as well as being predominately second- hand imports (dumping ground for Global North’s waste vehicles)” (City of Harare, 2022, p. 9). This is a health risk to all citizens of Harare, but at risks groups include people with heart and lung disease, pregnant women, children and the elderly. This directly impacts to broad of human rights such as right to life and right to good health. Thus, the initiative promotes a sustainable and safe environment for all. This is derived from the subject of environmental and climate justice that links human rights with development and climate. Separated cycle lanes were constructed in the past but have not been maintained, leaving many people without access reliable, connected, safe and efficient public transport. Therefore, HAM connects clean environment and climate protection with safe and sustainable public transport. Active travel such as walking or cycling is the most sustainable form of personal transport (Brand et.al., 2021). Walking and cycling reduce the consumption of fossil fuels, helping to mitigate the effects of climate change and prepare the city to adapt to climate change. Each 7 kilometers travelled by bicycle will avoid 1 kilogram of carbon-dioxide over a year to the same distance covered by car (United Nations, 2023, p. 9).
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
According to the findings from the Town Clerk of Harare City Council, HAM has the objective to:
- create and pilot a safe city of Harare through resuscitating bicycle tracks
- map the city from the perspective of person walking or cycling
- develop a master plan for the city’s options for transportation and mobility
- create an advocacy campaign that change behavior and inspire citizens, local business and public entities to work together in promoting active travel.
HAM has the value of designing streets and roads for children in order to ensure safe roads for all. It also prioritizes active mobility routes for a healthier community for all journeys less than 5km. The initiative has the ability to co-create active travel solutions through person-private- public partnerships that ensure rapid transformation.
Image 1:Teachers and children from Borrowdale school in Harare encouraging active mobility through public art; image 2: Harare City Council maintaining roads in Harare for safe pedestrian movement. Image 3: Harare City Council encouraging active mobility in Harare, Zimbabwe through public art. Images used with permission by Jenna Hutchings.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
HAM initiative was launched in February 2022 and expected to end in December 2025. The initiative has already visible effects such as installation of 800m gravel walking or cycle track on Borrowdale road Harare. On the 4th of June 22 the city carried awareness campaigns like the Bike Day. On the Bike Day, 100 bicycles were distributed to the residents of Highfields in Harare who travel daily from home to work. The CaliGraphy private organization has already printed numerous novels and articles aiming at inspiring residents of Harare through eco-poetry on climate change and active travel.
Who are the actors? What are their backgrounds?
HAM involves various actors with the Harare City Council on forefront (City of Harare 2022, p. 4-21). These actors include;
- The Road Safe Zimbabwe Trust – an NGO that is working with Harare City Council in pushing for road safety priority in Harare, thus strengthening active mobility routes by promoting safe walking or cycling.
- The Bikes for Zimbabwe which is supporting the initiative through aiming to improve the life of Harare citizens by use of bicycles. The company is importing used bicycles from the Netherlands to provide cost effective bicycle mechanisms and healthy means of transport for people of all ages in Harare city.
- The citizen of Harare Jenna Hutchings is encouraging individuals, corporates, public and private sectors to join together to co-create a sustainable city through active mobility.
- Cali-Graphy is supporting HAM through its mission of promoting public art. The company is encouraging people for active mobility through public art that impact and effect social and behavioral change towards cycling and walking. This is helping in reimagining spaces and giving new meaning and new function.
- Inspire Zimbabwe is a youth led organization that is inspiring the city through creating active mobility routes that enable safety and sustainability.
- The Mira Missions Trust for Clean and Green is supporting HAM through advocating for clean transport such as walking and cycling in Harare.
- The Germany Embassy is supporting the initiative through Harare-Munich active mobility project for sustainable and safe city.
Which limits does it encounter?
The initiative is facing several limitations for successful implementation. The built environment in Harare has limitations. The city and public alike continue to plan for more cars. This is an outdated and unsustainable model of city planning adopted in the 1950’s when population sizes of cities were low, car ownership was normal, and climate change was not understood. The public transportation system is not built on a monopoly, hence, the competition in the city brings reckless driving and increasing automobiles to ferry passengers. According to Kodero (2005, p. 15) the Harare policies seem to be silent on equitable access for all road users (walking, cycling, skating and motoring). Public spaces allow limited options and routes of transportation. Cycling is also facing gender stereotyping because women fear cycling. Most Africans think cycling is for men. This is resulting in many women resisting cycling. The initiative is also facing other social constraints. A lot of Zimbabweans view cycling as a sign of poverty, resulting in increase of automobiles. Other social and cultural myths point out that cycling removes virginity and reduce fertility, resulting in young girls resisting the initiative.
Image 1: Open Streets Day in Harare Zimbabwe that encourage active mobility; image 2: Harare Bike Day marching campaign in Glenview High Density Suburb. Images used with permission by Jenna Hutchings
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
The initiative in Harare strives to bring communities together to co-create sustainable and safe public spaces for all people living and moving in Harare. The lessons learnt from other cities worldwide such as Seattle, Copenhagen and Amsterdam could see it implemented rapidly and rolled out in other cities across Zimbabwe. The initiative is easily replicable in other cities around the world. The main challenge is securing partnerships to finance the initiative and provide assistance. The main criterion is to have collaborative financing that help in funding the initiative. Secondly, there is need for public art that help in mobilizing for change through narrative story telling. By creating public art, can potentially help in transforming minds of residents on how cycling can help to bring a sustainable city. This ensure participatory planning and contribute social and behavioral change towards cycling and walking. People in climate action will help in decolonizing the view that active travelling does not play an important role towards mitigating climate change in Harare.
Harare City Council workers constructing a cycle lane along Ridgeway road in Harare Zimbabwe. Image used with permission by Jenna Hutchings.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes?
The initiative can be conducive to broader changes to a lesser extent. However, to a greater extent the initiative faces shortfalls such as spatial and institutional constrains. The city’s spatial arrangement limits the options and routes of transportation, while institutional constrains are linked to lack of funds of the Harare City Council to review current planning approaches. This will slow down progress on changes in law, institutional arrangements and long-term sustainability.
References
Brand, C. (2021). The climate change mitigation effects of daily active travel in cities. Transportation Research Part D, 93 (2), 1-6.
City of Harare. (2022). Stakeholder Working Group for Active Mobility. Organizational handbook. [Unpublished Manuscript]. Organizational Handbook, Harare City Council.
Dawson, A. (2017). Extreme Cities: The Peril and Promise of Urban Life in the Age of Climate Change. London: (Verso books, Ed.). British Library.
Kodero, K. (2005). TransPolicy: Pro-Poor Transport Policy Meeting the Challenge in Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe Forum for Rural Transport and Development, 96 (3), 15-26.
Masimba, G. (2021). Harare City Scoping Study. [Manuscript submitted for publication]. African Cities Research Consortium.
Zinyama, L.M, Tevera, D.S, Cumming, S.D. (1993). The Growth and Problems of the City. University of Zimbabwe Publications. (Original work published 978-0908307302)
Union Cycliste Internationale. (2022, April 22). Earth Day Take away: How cycling can help alleviate climate change. UCI.
Mutongwiza, L. (2022. May 22). Harare city drive to promote cycling to work. 263Chat.
https://www.263chat.com/harare-city-in-drive-to-promote-cycling-to-work/
Nyaude, S. (2022, November 1). Raising awareness for safer pedestrian walkway in Harare, Zimbabwe. Slocat Partnership.
https://slocat.net/raising-awareness-for-safer-pedestrian-walkways-in-harare-zimbabwe/
Suburban. (2022, December 7). City of Munich team visits Harare. Sub Urban.
https://www.suburban.co.zw/city-of-munich-team-visits-harare/
Kuhudzai, J. (2022, July 15). The future of Harare: Roundtable meeting as part of Harare Bike Day. Clean Technica.
A grassroot initiative going beyond mere food production.
By Maximilian Rischer
*München ist ein Dorf = “Munich is a village“
Photo 1: Volunteers on the fields gardening near the city of Munich. (Photo: Kartoffelkombinat eG)
Where is the grassroot initiative implemented?
The grassroot initiative Kartoffelkombinat is located in Munich, a city of about 1.5 million inhabitants in Germany. The initiative is organized as a cooperative, owned by all members equally, and is not limited to a certain neighbourhood but spreads throughout the entire city.
Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
Kartoffelkombinat was founded by two citizens of Munich, Daniel Überall and Simon Scholl, who wanted to make a difference in how they consume vegetables and agricultural products.
The origin of the organization’s name:
“Kartoffel” = Potato; “Kombinat” = Collective combine (typical way of production in many socialist countries, (Farlex, n.d.)
The two founders were disappointed that despite the option that food can be produced regionally, ecologically friendly, without too much packaging and transport, in many cases supermarkets offer only low-quality cheap food, packed in tons of plastics, and shipped from abroad. The first beneficiaries were family and friends at the beginning of 2012 during a test phase of the project. Then, Kartoffelkombinat officially was founded on 30th April 2012. Since then, many citizens of Munich and surrounding areas have been part of the organization (Kartoffelkombinat eG, 2022).
In 2023, about forty people are currently working for the organization. However, the initiative continues to flourish also as volunteering becomes the norm. Many helping hands guarantee the organization’s success as I will illustrate in this entry.
Furthermore, smallholder farmers may profit from this project because they work as partners on equal terms for the organization. Given the strong pricing competition of conventional agriculture, they profit, because Karfoffelkombinat, despite owning farmland, leases land from smallholders and gives them some additional income. At the same time, farmers are encouraged to use more ecologically friendly agricultural practices, as Kartoffelkombinat so successfully does.
In 2023, agricultural products generated by the Kartoffelkombinat provide food products on a weekly basis for more than 2,000 households (Kartoffelkombinat eG, n.d.-b)!
But, as we will see in the following, it is not only food which is the “outcome” of this grassroot initiative.
How does this initiative engage with climate change? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both, or other dimensions of climate change?
The initiative is tackling climate change mitigation by providing more regional and seasonal food, educating people, and raising awareness about conventional and more environmentally friendly agricultural practices. Food losses and overproduction is minimized. It may happen that certain summer vegetables, like tomatoes or cucumbers, are being produced to a surplus extent. In these cases, excess vegetables are processed and canned, with the help of volunteers from the cooperative. Vegetables that even organic wholesalers and retailers do not accept, e.g., rooked cucumbers, small heads of lettuce, or small cucumbers are still put into boxes (Kartoffelkombinat eG, 2015). Also, the cooperative produces mainly vegan goods, and very few products are associated with animals (like honey). Besides, non-dairy products typically have a smaller greenhouse gas footprint (Carlsson Kanyama et al., 2021).
The initiative further contributes to climate change mitigation by reducing the production of crop packaging and by ensuring an efficient and safe food transportation system. Furthermore, since the initiative aims to follow principles of organic farming exclusively, due to the absence of artificial fertilizer whose production is energy-intensive, greenhouse gas emissions are avoided. According to a meta-analysis by Tuomista et al. (2012), organic farming uses 21% less energy on average compared to conventional farming. The same study also associates a higher carbon sequestration potential, which generally results in increased soil organic matter (7% difference), compared to conventional farming practices.
As another effect, more soil organic matter increases the water-withholding capacity of the soil (Lotter et al., 2003; Tuomisto et al., 2012). Additionally, rotating crops and a more diverse vegetation as typical for organically farmed soil, prevent soil erosion and strengthen the capacity and resilience of soils to cope with extreme weather circumstances like extreme drought and floods (Dumaresq & Greene, 2001; Nair & Delate, 2016; Pimentel et al., 2005). The resilience of the soils gets further enhanced through fertilization using “natural” input, through manure, compost, or straw (Nair & Delate, 2016).
All of this qualifies the grassroot initiative to significantly contribute to climate change adaptation.
What are the main objectives and main values of the initiative?
The broader objective of the cooperative Kartoffelkombinat is to develop an independent, highly democratic, and self-organizing institution to provide good quality food, which is organized, grown, harvested, and eaten by people, for people of the organization. The organization is structured as a cooperative. People can buy shares, to get weekly food rations in exchange throughout the year. As of 2023, the cooperative owns agricultural land of about 7 ha and employs more than 40 people for activities like cultivation, harvesting, and organization, fourteen of whom work in gardening activities.
In addition, many people help on a voluntary basis to enable the functioning of the project. An example of this voluntary work is that the food is transported to various private spaces (e.g., garages) all around Munich, to work as distribution spots, where members of the Kartoffelkombinat can collect the goods from. This voluntary work is thus crucial for the success of the initiative. Aside from employed gardeners, everybody may contribute to harvesting and cultivation activities.
Subsequent to an one-time payment of 150 € (“buy-in” to the cooperative), every member can choose to pay each month about 75 € or about 47 € (for a smaller box) to receive one box with agricultural products per week. To facilitate the planning and to reduce food losses, each member is expected to pay this amount as long as the member is part of the cooperative. In case members are not available or do not wish to receive food, they get the opportunity to suspend the delivery of food four times a year, which aims to further reduces food waste. Examples of what people receive in each box are illustrated in the following, see also photo 2:
Week 19: 3 apples, 500 g rhubarb, Batavia lettuce, 1 bunch rocket, 400 g spinach, 1 bunch carrots, 2 pieces kohlrabi.
Week 28: 1 stick fresh garlic, 1.5kg potatoes, 2 courgettes,
0.5kg tomatoes, 400g chard, 1 lettuce, 1 cucumber, 1 bunch basil.
Week 43: 1 head of lettuce, 600g carrots, 600g red cabbage, 500g onions, 600g tomatoes, 2 pieces of fennel, 500g spinach, 1 bunch of chives.
Besides this, high-quality bread made by a partnering baker and beer produced by the members of the cooperative may be purchased for some additional payment.
Kartoffelkombinat does not only want to provide regional and ecological food but re-think the consumerist lifestyle as it is typical for Western societies. Furthermore, Kartoffelkombinat aims to redefine “welfare”, by strongly advocating for public welfare instead of profit maximization. Through the community approach, economic sovereignty and decisions remain in the hands of citizens. Furthermore, the aim is also to preserve knowledge about agricultural techniques for future generations.
There are a set of advantages of the community-based agriculture approach. This entails, that their goods are mostly vegan (no dairy products and meat), that ecological production is taken up, that goods are more eco-friendly regarding packaging and transport, and that all food is regional and seasonal. Also, local smallholder farms are being supported to survive in the midst of a costly power struggle involving powerful corporations (Kartoffelkombinat eG, n.d.-a).
From an organizational and economic point of view, Kartoffelkombinat follows the principles of the Economy of the Common Good (Gemeinwohlökonomie), which was officially certified in 2016 (Kartoffelkombinat eG, 2016). As the name indicates, companies that follow these economic principles aim to maximize the benefit for society, instead of the corporation’s financial profit. An organization that wants to be certified is evaluated within the organization, but also towards suppliers and clients, against the following principles (Gemeinwohlökonomie Deutschland, n.d.-b):
- Dignity of every human being;
- Ecological sustainability;
- Solidarity with vulnerable groups;
- Social justice;
- Empowerment and transparency;
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
The initiative started in 2012, and it is still operational since it has strong supporters and many participants. The positive effects of the initiative are all too obvious. Almost 3,000 households are being provided with food on a weekly basis, and the organization has developed from a small CSA cooperative to an organization which provides so much more to the community and the city (see examples and more info later in this entry, Kartoffelkombinat eG, n.d.-c).
Who are the actors involved? What are their backgrounds?
Regarding their prior work experience, the actors involved in the organization’s management have different backgrounds. For instance, people are coming from advertising agencies, the IT sector, photography, and simply higher education. Despite employing professionals from the agricultural sector, Kartoffelkombinat also offers apprenticeships to become a professional vegetable farmer. Like this, the organization attracts young people. Usually, shareholders, consumers, and collaborators have some financial stability and moderate purchasing power.
Which limits (institutional, physical, social, etc.) does it encounter?
The organization has evolved to an organization where hundreds of people collaborate and thousands more benefit from it. However, these huge dimensions would at some point lead to organizational limits or at least huge challenges to cope with. Some more organizational growth to reach even more people seems difficult.
As outlined above, the Kartoffelkombinat follows the principles of the Economy of the Common Good which comprises reporting about the organization’s values and activities along economic principles. However, surprisingly enough, the organization has only published one report back in 2016. The lack of information on the organization casts a shadow on its future potential and seems to be motivated by a lack of resources, rather than a result of a lack of intention to follow the prescribed principles and values.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
The buy-in policy and the relatively high monetary amount of the monthly share indicate that not everybody might be able to afford the involvement in the organization. Thus, certain layers of society might be excluded. On a different level, Kartoffelkombinat could be competing against farmers who follow organic farming principles. Because these farmers likely could not rely on people working for them as volunteers (for “free”), they would need to offer their products at higher prices. Like this, clients of these farmers potentially could tend to buy fewer products from them, but rather use the services offered by Kartoffelkombinat. It is however unclear if this problem deserves attention because the coverage of Kartoffelkombinat (reaching almost 3,000 households) still seems very insignificant compared to the number of inhabitants residing in the city of Munich.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
It is an initiative which can be replicated in many other areas or cities as well. People willing to start a similar initiative only would need to find agricultural associates to start farming. Noteworthy, Kartoffelkombinat had similarly humble beginnings. Additionally, many networking events and information about the activities of regional groups coming from many countries, are provided by the European CSA Research Group (2016).
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements, long-term sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)? If yes, which?
Kartoffelkombinat is promoting and influencing societal change in a broader sense in many ways. Apart from the current organization (Kartoffelkombinat eG), a non-profit association which offers much more than agricultural goods, called Kartoffelkombinat – Der Verein e.V., was founded by the members. The association (in German “Verein”) aims to enable a cultural change in many different parts of society, related to exchange within the community, societal transformation, education, ecology, and research. Examples of each field of activity will be illustrated at the end of this entry. At this point though, two examples will be described in more detail:
Example 1: ErdLink – A cottage garden transforming the street city (Original in German: Der ErdLink – ein Bauerngarten wandelt die Straßenstadt)
As one might discover from the name, ErdLink aims to create a connection (link) between Earth’s inhabitants (German: Erdlinge) and nature in urban environments which would have remained inaccessible if the project had not been initiated.
The ErdLink had been a temporary pop-up agriculture area in a concrete-dominating square of Munich (Europaplatz) in September 2021. Specifically, the “nature” of a traffic island was used to create an area for urban gardening.
ErdLink aimed for and succeeded in the following objectives:
- To make formerly inaccessible nature accessible for citizens;
- To demonstrate that supply with agricultural goods is possible, in dense urban environments;
- To increase the city’s quality of life to make it unnecessary for citizens to travel outside the city to enjoy nature
For the project, huge boxes were transported to the area, which contained grown regional and seasonal vegetables, herbs, and other flowering plants, e.g., bell peppers, basil, leek, or sunflower. The content of the boxes was crafted in such a way that anyone could easily grow them in their private properties, both in gardens and balconies. Visitors of ErdLink could also take plants or seeds home. Pictures 3 and 4 illustrate how ErdLink looks like.
Photo 3: ErdLink at Europaplatz in Munich (Photo: Nick Bergner)
Photo 4: Plant boxes from ErdLink (Photo: Nick Bergner)
Most of the nearby living citizens and visitors liked this setting pretty much and associated it with an increase in life quality in the urban environment. Apart from realising a significant change in the appearance of the urban environment, ErdLink also brought along various activities to learn about agriculture, through seminars, workshops, and information campaigns. Examples were guided tours through the ErdLink area, a guided city tour focusing on green and “nature” space in other parts of the city, public readings of children’s books related to nature, or online seminars to inform about urban gardening and urban nature in general.
The entire project was considered by the organizers as very informative and successful as learning was willingly shared between organizers, visitors, and nearby living citizens, who shall take it as input for similar projects in the future. But until today, though, no similar project has been announced so far for the near future (LORA MÜNCHEN, 2021; Meincke, 2021).
Example 2: Discovering Big City Wilderness… (German: Großstadtwildnis entdecken…)
Discovering Big City wilderness was a project executed in August 2021 by offering six four-hour long guided tours for children and young adults through a biotope in the neighbourhood of Obersendling in Munich. Obersendling is a district which is currently undergoing a transition and is characterised by a high degree of density. This makes the natural surroundings in and around Siemenspark even more important to remain recognizable for the citizens of the neighbourhood. The main parts of the discovery tours for the all-in-all 60 participants were: discovering dead wood, trees, meadows, waste or trails used by humans. Among the activities were nature observation, multicolour meadow items collection, man-nature relationship building, building “waste monsters”, marble runs, deadwood artwork, and many more…
The following pictures shall illustrate some of the activities:
Photos 5, 6 and 7: Different photos from the discovery tours of urban nature (Photos: V. Westermeier & G. Baumert)
In an exciting and playful way, the young “scientists” were able to experience the nature of the big city with all their senses which awakened topical enthusiasm in them. It also sensitised the participants about the importance of city nature protection (Kartoffelkombinat e.V., n.d.-a).
As already mentioned earlier, there are several activities and workshops organized by the Kartoffelkombinat e.V. Some of these are (Kartoffelkombinat e.V., n.d.-b):
- Cultural exchange within the community: Kartoffelkombinat offers cooking lessons in outdoor kitchens, organizes cinemas about sustainability (“potato cinema”), education programmes for children to make them learn about sustainable & regional agriculture, organization of community meetups in urban neighbourhoods; also, Kartoffelkombinat financially supports initiatives in other countries like a project for regenerative agricultural nursery in Portugal;
- Transformation of the society: Organization of networking events which are not related to agriculture at all: for example, Kartoffelkombinat wants to develop open-source software that CSA initiatives can use to facilitate their organization (“Corporation-free IT”). Many partnerships had been established, which seem to be key for its success; for example, Kartoffelkombinat has cooperations with the Munich Council of Nutrition, with initiatives to promote cycling in the city, with “Save the bees”, and many more…;
- Education: Organization of “Potato academies” for schools and kindergartens, but also for the broader public through workshops and seminars (“potato dialogues”). Even the famous Oktoberfest is targeted to offer more sustainable food there (#faireWiesn);
- Ecology: Kartoffelkombinat regularly organizes projects about how to increase biodiversity in urban environments, and invites citizens to participate in these projects;
- Social aspects: Kartoffelkombinat also has got a working group to promote refugee integration or new immigrants to Germany;
- Research: Kartoffelkombinat is also doing research, for example, by participating in a research project about opportunities for a sustainable agricultural food economy (NASCENT) by the Carl-von-Ossietzky University of Osnabrück.
The examples presented above show that Kartoffelkombinat eG and Kartoffelkombinat – der Verein e.V. want to achieve a behavioural change in society, not only towards climate change but on a much broader scale to help form a peaceful and dignified life on Earth, where respect between humankind and nature is reciprocal, away from any profit maximisation and nature exploitation motives. Kartoffelkombinat and its members are contributing significantly to reduce potential dependencies and exploitation of people and land in and from the global south, and as such work together to help make the world environmentally friendly and a better place for all.
References
Carlsson Kanyama, A., Hedin, B., & Katzeff, C. (2021). Differences in Environmental Impact between Plant-Based Alternatives to Dairy and Dairy Products: A Systematic Literature Review. Sustainability, 13(22), 12599. https://doi.org/10.3390/su132212599
Dumaresq, D., & Greene, R. (2001). Soil Structure, Fungi, Fauna & Phosphorus in Sustainable Cropping Systems. Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation.
European CSA Research Group. (2016). Overview of Community Supported-Agriculture in Europe.
Farlex. (n.d.). Kombinat. In The Free Dictionary. Retrieved 7 June 2023, from https://de.thefreedictionary.com/Kombinat
Gemeinwohlökonomie Deutschland. (n.d.-a). Gemeinwohl-Matrix. Retrieved 7 June 2023, from https://germany.ecogood.org/tools/gemeinwohl-matrix/.
Gemeinwohlökonomie Deutschland. (n.d.-b). Werte der Gemeinwohlökonomie: Wirtschaft neu denken. Retrieved 7 June 2023, from https://germany.ecogood.org/vision/werte/
Kartoffelkombinat eG. (n.d.-a). Kartoffelkombinat. Blog. Retrieved 7 June 2023, from https://www.kartoffelkombinat.de/blog/uber-uns/die-gartnerei/
Kartoffelkombinat eG. (n.d.-b). Über uns. Ziele und Werte des Kartoffelkombinats. Retrieved 7 June 2023, from https://www.kartoffelkombinat.de/blog/uber-uns/ziele-und-werte/
Kartoffelkombinat eG. (n.d.-c). Was bisher geschah. Retrieved 7 June 2023, from https://www.kartoffelkombinat.de/blog/uber-uns/was-bisher-geschah/
Kartoffelkombinat eG. (2015). Gemeinwohlbericht. https://www.kartoffelkombinat.de/blog/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/GW%C3%96_KK_final_testat_160203.pdf
Kartoffelkombinat eG. (2022). Was bisher geschah – eine Chronik des Kartoffelkombinats. https://www.kartoffelkombinat.de/blog/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/2019_Juni_Chronologie_KK.pdf
Kartoffelkombinat eG. (2016, February 16). Schlagworte-Archive: Gemeinwohlökonomie. https://www.kartoffelkombinat.de/blog/tag/gemeinwohloekonomie/
Kartoffelkombinat e.V. (n.d.-a). Großstadtwildnis entdecken… Retrieved 7 June 2023, from https://kartoffelkombinat-ev.de/grossstadtwildnis-entdecken/
Kartoffelkombinat e.V. (n.d.-b). Projektübersicht—Kartoffelkombinat—Der Verein e.V. Retrieved 7 June 2023, from https://kartoffelkombinat-ev.de/projektuebersicht/
LORA MÜNCHEN. (2021, September 9). Mobilitätsprojekte im öffentlichen Raum: Der „Erdlink“ des Kartoffelkombinats. https://lora924.de/2021/09/09/mobilitaetsprojekte-im-oeffentlichen-raum-der-erdlink-des-kartoffelkombinats/
Lotter, D. W., Seidel, R., & Liebhardt, W. (2003). The performance of organic and conventional cropping systems in an extreme climate year | American Journal of Alternative Agriculture | Cambridge Core. American Journal of Alternative Agriculture, 18(3), 146–154. https://doi.org/10.1079/AJAA200345
Meincke, I. (2021, August 30). Der ErdLink – ein Bauerngarten wandelt die Straßenstadt. https://kartoffelkombinat-ev.de/2021/08/der-erdlink-ein-bauerngarten-wandelt-die-strassenstadt/
Nair, A., & Delate, K. (2016). Composting, Crop Rotation, and Cover Crop Practices in Organic Vegetable Production. In D. Nandwani (Ed.), Organic Farming for Sustainable Agriculture (pp. 231–257). Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-26803-3_11
Pimentel, D., Hepperly, P., Hanson, J., Douds, D., & Seidel, R. (2005). Environmental, Energetic, and Economic Comparisons of Organic and Conventional Farming Systems. BioScience, 55(7), 573. https://doi.org/10.1641/0006-3568(2005)055[0573:EEAECO]2.0.CO;2
Tuomisto, H. L., Hodge, I. D., Riordan, P., & Macdonald, D. W. (2012). Does organic farming reduce environmental impacts? – A meta-analysis of European research. Journal of Environmental Management, 112, 309–320. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvman.2012.08.018
ReparadTUM, a Student Bike Kitchen initiative in Munich
By Santiago Londoño Castillo
ReparadTUM volunteer taking a look at the cogset of a bike during one of the pop-up workshops held in Garching, Munich. Image by Santiago Londoño Castillo
Location:
Munich, Germany
Who are the promoters?
An internal survey conducted in 2022 indicated that over half the students at Munich’s universities cycle regularly. However, many respondents pointed out that they often lacked the tools or skills to fix their bikes in case of breakdown. Based on this information, a group of students from the technical university of Munich (TUM) and recently also from the Ludwig-Maximilian University (LMU) with the support of their respective student unions and their environment department (Referat für Umwelt), and VCD (Verkehrsclub Deutschland e.V), decided to create reparadTUM: a space for bike self-repairs, where tools are available and volunteers ready to give students a hand fixing their bikes a.k.a a bike kitchen.
Who are the beneficiaries?
The internal survey identified the TUM students at the Garching campus (on the outskirts of Munich) as the main beneficiaries of the initiative, approximately 40.000 students. The initial plan of reparadTUM was to establish a permanent bike kitchen on campus, with fixed opening days/hours. However, due to the lack of space on campus and limited funding, reparadTUM started by first hosting pop-up workshops. The pop-up workshops take place for one or two days in open spaces on campus and any student can come to fix their bike or get advice. Hitherto, three pop-up workshops have been held in Garching, almost exclusively for TUM students, and on the 31st of May, the first workshop in downtown Munich took place as a result of a collaboration between LMU and TUM students. In the long run, as more volunteers join and the project grows, the goal is to establish permanent bike kitchens in different locations on campus and to expand the number of people who can benefit from it.
What is cooking up in this kitchen?
Vision, Mision and Climate Engagement of ReparadTUM
The reparadTUM project aims to engage with climate in a manifold of ways, from the political to the more practical aspects of biking in a city, it aims to be more than simply a “green initiative”. The points below summarise not only the connections between reparadTUM and environmental issues but also the values it stands for and its objectives as a project to address those issues.
● Green mobility and mobility justice
House to the automobile giant BMW, Munich has become a city with one of the highest motorization rates in Germany, with almost 1⁄3 of all daily trips within Munich being car trips (Buehler et al., 2016). In the past years, this trend has been reversing, and the city has made a considerable effort to increase green mobility, mainly by expanding its public transportation networks, nonetheless, the transport fares remain too high for many to afford, pushing them to bike or walk. ReparaTUM believes that everyone has the right not only to safe bike roads but also to a safe and functioning bike. By providing free bike repairments, reparadTUM aims not only to boost the use of bicycles but also to keep biking from becoming a privilege that not everyone can afford.
Moreover, as a collective, reparadTUM engages with and supports larger organizations advocating for green mobility, mobility transition and bike safety, such as ADFC (German Cyclist’s Association), VCD (German Traffic Club), and Critical Mass. Among some of the key points these organizations are backing are safer and better-connected bicycle lanes, introducing speed limits in the autobahn and 30 km/h as default speed within cities, and more affordable public transportation fares. ReparadTUM has attended public demos, mass rides, and events organized by these organizations since we know that organizations, operating at a national level and working beyond “bicycle matters”, are as important as small collectives to transition to a greener and more just mobility. Thus, we seek to engage and support already established organizations advocating for mobility justice policies.
● Mutual aid and community building
Everyone involved with reparadTUM is a volunteer and none of its members receive any monetary benefits from taking part, it is overall, a solidarity project. Besides voluntary donations, used to purchase tools, no monetary transactions take place during the workshops, we work there because we enjoy doing it and not because we expect something in return. Moreover, reparadTUM wants to be more than an ordinary bike shop, where people go to just get their bike fixed and then leave, it wants to provide a social space where people go to talk, eat, teach what they know and learn what they do not, a space for the exchange of ideas, free of discrimination where everyone feels welcome, in an era of capitalist alienation we need to build stronger and healthier communities.
ReparadTUM volunteer working on a flat tyre during the last pop-up workshop held in March 2023 in Garching, Munich. Image by Santiago Londoño Castillo
● Circular economy and waste reduction
Last but not least, we live in a time where discarding something as soon as it breaks down has become the norm, and this is a problem that goes beyond individuals’consumerist/wasteful attitude, it is a problem of design, skill and costs. When someone’s bike breaks down, many people cannot afford to take it to a bike shop due to their high costs, at the same time, most people do not have the right tools at home to fix their bike, and if they do many simply do not have the skills. The result is that the person stops using their bike, insists on riding a broken and potentially dangerous bike, or, given the high prices for certain bike fixes compared to second-hike bikes, buys a used bike. The outcome is almost universally the same, a bike, far from completing its useful lifespan, going to waste. ReparadTUM wants to address this issue, not only by providing the tools and assistance for citizens to fix their bikes, but also by teaching them the necessary skills to fix a bike, so that next time not only can this person fix their bike if it breaks, but maybe even assist their neighbours or family, saving yet one more bike from going to waste. ReparadTUM is no ordinary bike workshop, you are your own mechanic and we just help you help yourself!
Timeline
The initiative started in the summer of 2022, the first few months consisted mainly of thinking about how to turn this idea into a reality, i.e. finding the funding, spaces, people, existing literature and similar initiatives in the city and Germany. In this initial stage, reparadTUM came a long way, members got in touch with organisations, initiatives and collectives, official and unofficial, regarding funding, ideas, challenges and limitations. Based on the feedback and information acquired during this time a realistic plan was set, initially, reparadTUM would host pop-up workshops on campus a couple of times per semester, which would provide its members with experience about bike kitchens, statistics which can then be used for further funding and planning and as a way to get exposure, i.e. what is reparadTUM and what they do. To this day, June 2023, four pop-up workshops, which nearly 100 people attended in total, have successfully taken place, three in Garching and the latest one, held on May 31st, in downtown Munich. From the positive feedback received during the workshops and as more students get on board, reparadTUM is planning to start hosting regular workshops, every two weeks, on campus after summer 2023. The idea is to have enough volunteers and attendees to be able to soon establish a permanent location on campus where the bike kitchen will regularly take place and be open a couple of times per week. If this first bike kitchen proves successful, reparadTUM would like in the long term to establish workshops in different locations and potentially expand this initiative beyond university students. Despite having been active for only one year, reparadTUM has got a long way, additionally to the successful workshops carried out so far, and the dozens of bikes saved from an early retirement, the project already counts with a bicycle-specific toolkit comparable to that of a small bike shop, and its active members have gone from a handful last year to nearly 40 at the time being, with more joining every week. Moreover, the feedback from the workshops has been almost exclusively positive, being the regularity of pop-up workshops one of the only improvement areas.
Who are the members of reparadTUM?
The majority of members are university students with very diverse backgrounds. None of us are bike experts or mechanics, many of the members did not have a lot of experience fixing bikes when they first joined the project, we are just a group of bike enthusiasts happy to learn from each other as we go. Despite most of the members being German speakers, we have a very diverse group with many international members, all reparadTUM communications and meetings are carried out in English to make it as international-friendly as possible. ReparadTUM has also received valuable support, both economically and logistically from the TUM student union, in particular its department for the environment, which also consists almost entirely of university students.
Limits and challenges
Being a very new, student-led project, reparadTUM has encountered mainly economic, and physical limitations. To begin with, the project needed initial funding to acquire the most essential tools, reparadTUM applied to several stipends, funds and funding opportunities, both public and private. Finally, after a staggering amount of paperwork and bureaucracy, which seems to be common in Germany, reparadTUM secured its initial funding to kickstart the project. However, the funding itself came with its limitations, in particular, since the funding came from the student union, only students could attend the pop-up workshops, something which has impacted severely the outreach of the project. Another limitation has been space, due to the shortage of rooms at the university campus, reparadTUM has been unable to find a permanent location where to set up its operations, currently, the project could not afford to rent a permanent place and all the tools are inconveniently stored at the student union’s basement.
Bike owner cleaning the chain of their bike during one of reparadTUM’s pop-up workshops in Garching. Image by Dais Davy
Criticism
One significant shortcoming of this project has been its target audience and outreach. Despite having the intention to reach out to as many people as possible, reparadTUM has so far remained almost entirely within the student sphere in Munich, mainly two factors account for this; funding and location. First of all, as was discussed before, since most funding comes from the student union, due to legal reasons reparadTUM can only provide tools and spare parts to students. Moreover, the funding received so far has been able to secure only a limited number of tools and spare parts, making it difficult to increase the project’s outreach without increasing the funding accordingly. Secondly, most of the students involved in the project are located on the Garching campus, 20 km away from the city centre, where so far most of the pop-up workshops have taken place. Due to its distance from the city and the presence almost exclusively of the university in this area, the majority of people biking from and to Garching are students. In the long term, hopefully, reparadTUM will manage to increase the number of people that have access to their workshops and bike kitchens, one step in this direction is already being taken; on May 31st reparadTUM held its first pop-up workshop in the city centre, which proved to be a great success, with a record-high attendance.
Replicability
Replicability is one of the greatest advantages of this project. One needs very little to get a bike kitchen started, from our experience at reparadTUM we have noticed that a great number of the bikes that are brought to the workshops can be fixed with very basic tools: patches, screwdrivers, hex keys and oil. Bike kitchens can be easily started at any scale, neighbourhood, school, workplace, university, or city, one only needs a couple of tools and a group of motivated people who are willing to learn and do not mind getting their hands dirty. Naturally, as the scale of the bike kitchen grows so do the challenges it involves and the resources necessary, which means that if you want to give it a shot, call your friends and neighbours, gather some tools and get to work!
Pop-up workshop held by reparadTUM in November 2022 in Garching, Munich Image by Santiago Londoño Castillo
Is reparadTUM conducive to broader changes?
The power of initiatives such as reparadTUM lies in its simplicity, both in terms of replicability and implementation. Just a year ago, reparadTUM started with a couple of students and bike enthusiasts with some basic tools and very little bike-repairing experience, today, the project counts nearly 40 members, a well-equipped tool-box and many plans to keep growing and doing what we love.
Bike kitchens and projects like reparadTUM want to provide new ways to look not only at bike repair but at community initiatives as a whole. As a living example of mutual aid and community economies, bike kitchens show us that other ways of providing services and interacting with each other, outside the capitalist sphere, are possible, work and are already here. Bike kitchens modify our reality, a broken bike goes from being a potentially very expensive nightmare, into an opportunity to learn a new skill, hang out with your friends and all without having to spend money. Then, the natural question becomes “If this is possible for bikes why not for everything else?”. Big disruptions begin with small changes led by strong communities, which then lead to new policies first at the local and ultimately at the national and global scale. ReparadTUM is just one out of hundreds of community initiatives springing all around the world, ultimately, all these initiatives strive to build a better and more just world, one community at a time.
References
Buehler, R., Pucher, J., Gerike, R., & Götschi, T. (2017). Reducing car dependence in the heart of Europe: lessons from Germany, Austria, and Switzerland. Transport Reviews, 37(1), 4–28. doi:10.1080/01441647.2016.1177799
Monika Didžiulytė
“September in Šilainiai Gardens” by Vytautas Paplauskas (2022), URL: https://www.facebook.com/silainiusodai/photos/pb.100064754194218.-2207520000./5883427801667742/?type=3, used with permission from the initiative
Šilainiai Gardens.
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
Šilainai Gardens is a public urban garden located in the Šilainiai neighborhood of Kaunas, Lithuania. The Šilainiai neighborhood is a so-called “sleeping neighborhood,” primarily consisting of residential apartment buildings. It is home to approximately 50,000 residents, mainly senior individuals and families with children.
Established in 2018, the Šilainai Gardens project aims to preserve and continue the traditions and practices of the local community, which has been actively involved in gardening and greening the area since the interwar period.
Currently, the project is supported by the Lithuanian Culture Council, Kaunas city municipality and a public enterprise called the Kaunas Fort Park. The Šilainai Gardens is managed and supervised by Evelina Šimkutė – garden’s project coordinator.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
The Šilainiai Gardens project is contributing to both mitigation and adaptation efforts. The project’s vision identified its benefits for people and the city. City utilities, city assets, and sustainability are particularly relevant in this context. The document argues that composting eliminates organic waste, significantly reduces the need for packaging, alleviates pressure on waste collection and transportation, and decreases illegal dumping. Additionally, the project as a whole contributes to sustainability by reducing the heat island effect, slowing down water flow to increase infiltration, rehabilitating the soil, and enhancing resilience in the food system. Importantly, the document aligns with the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) established by the UN (Šimkutė et al., 2018).
More specifically, the garden managers prioritize environmentally conscious practices and organize lectures and educational activities to teach responsible and effective gardening methods that minimize harm to the surrounding ecosystem. For example, lectures on non-chemical methods of pest control, such as dealing with slugs, have been provided. Additionally, participants and attendees are encouraged to use reusable containers and be mindful of their environmental impact during events (Šilainių Sodai, n.d.).
Furthermore, Šilainai Gardens serves as an educational and resilience-building space. Various lectures are held, covering topics such as permaculture and biomimicry, which introduce participants to sustainable and nature-inspired solutions for urban gardening. The project also regularly organizes tidy-up days, contributing to the protection of the environment and the preservation of the area’s natural beauty (Šilainių Sodai, n.d.). Ultimately, Šilainai Gardens cultivates resilience, a sense of community, sustainable cohabitation practices, and offers an alternative to more harmful food production practices.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
The values of the Šilainiai Gardens project encompass the preservation of traditional practices and knowledge, sustainable social and agricultural practices, sustainable cohabitation of people with flora and fauna, biodiversity, resilience, and more.
The primary goal of the project has always been to meet the demand of urbanites for gardening spaces. The area’s residents, particularly senior citizens, have already utilized areas for gardening purposes and have greened the neighborhood by planting trees and bushes, enhancing the aesthetics in the Soviet-style modern architecture in the area. The project has provided the community with a space where they can practice traditional, sustainable, and safe gardening, while also fostering a sense of community and cultivating resilience among its members (Šimkutė et al., 2018).
The initiative’s coordinator, E. Šimkutė, emphasizes the importance of harmony between nature, humans, and heritage. By involving artists and scholars, the project has facilitated learning about the ecosystem itself and sustainable solutions for effective and safe gardening practices. The community has discovered over 300 different species, and through sustainable gardening and tending to the green areas, the space has become friendly and inviting to animals and birds, including foxes, newts, frogs, thrushes, blackbirds, nightingales, and bees. When working in the gardens, consideration is given to the cycles of birds, bees, dragonflies, and butterflies, and efforts are made to disturb them as little as possible (Javaitytė, 2022).
Coordinator Šimkutė also highlights the importance of preserving traditional knowledge. The garden serves as a space to share and pass on the knowledge about growing food. Senior gardeners, particularly those with rural backgrounds, play a significant role as natural educators, frequently assisting urbanites with their crops and stepping in to help rectify mistakes (Javaitytė, 2022). This involvement of senior citizens is particularly significant because Soviet-style apartment building areas are predominantly occupied by them (Burneika, Ubarevičienė & Baranuskaitė 2019).
Image 2: A photo of a bee in Šilainiai Gardens by Vytautas Paplauskas (2021) https://www.facebook.com/silainiusodai/photos/pb.100064754194218.-2207520000./4500489259961610/?type=3, used with permission from the initiative Šilainiai Gardens.
Senior citizens involved in the project share that gardening is now their primary activity since retiring. The project provides them with a safe and natural space for engaging in pleasant physical activity and relaxation. It offers easy access to nature, allowing them to enjoy its tranquility, grow their own crops, and harvest fruits, vegetables, berries, and greens. Many of these residents have been gardening since their childhood or youth. Hence, working outdoors, enjoying the fresh air and growing food themselves is important to their lifestyle and identity (Šimkutė, n.d. -a).
Finally, the garden values community. The coordinator emphasizes that the garden is is first and foremost an informal community engaged in shared activities. The community consists of over 100 people, and their plots range from 1 square meter in raised beds to larger traditional plots. It not only aims to bring neighborhood residents together but also encourages and welcomes anyone interested to participate continuously or as a guest. The place is open for visitors to take harvest from shared farming beds with community signs, indicating that anyone can come and water the plants or taste the produce (Krapavickaitė, 2021).
Image 3: ”June in the educational beds of Šilainiai Gardens” by Vytautas Paplauskas (2021) https://www.facebook.com/silainiusodai/photos/pb.100064754194218.-2207520000./4361511580526046/?type=3, used with permission from the initiative Šilainiai Gardens.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
The Šilainiai Gardens project has its roots in the interwar period when residents first began engaging in gardening activities in the area. The project is situated within the Kaunas Fortress, which was originally constructed to protect the Russian Empire’s western borders. Like many military and imperial heritage sites, it carries a controversial and often negative historical and social meaning. Despite this, locals managed to repurpose the area after World War I, utilizing the tunnels as natural refrigerators for storing and preserving their harvests (Šimkutė et al., 2018).
In 1984, the Šilainiai neighborhood was established, and apartment buildings were constructed. Many residents of the newly built neighborhoods, originating from rural areas, continued gardening activities in the area. The newcomers took the initiative to clean the run-down and overgrown territory of the VIII fort, which was covered in bushes and infested with Sosnowsky’s hogweed. They planted trees and plants, creating a community garden that, by 1999, was already well-established (Šimkutė et al., 2018; Krapavickaitė, 2021).
Image 4: ”Spring in Šilainiai Gardens” by Vytautas Paplauskas (2021) https://www.facebook.com/silainiusodai/photos/pb.100064754194218.-2207520000./4239055472771658/?type=3, used with permission from the initiative Šilainiai Gardens.
In more recent years, as many original residents of the neighborhood entered retirement, gardening has become one of their main activities. However, there has also been a rise in robberies and instances of destruction. These incidents have led to heightened levels of physical and perceived insecurity, resulting in a demand for increased supervision and administration of the area. Formalizing activities through the Šilainiai Gardens project has played a crucial role in providing a safe environment for senior residents to continue their traditional practices (Šimkutė et al., 2018).
In 2018, a transformative project was initiated by the residents and volunteers, with the support of various partners. The project aimed to revitalize the area and promote sustainable gardening practices. The Kaunas Fort Park enterprise provided the land for this initiative, creating a dedicated space for the Šilainiai Gardens project to flourish (Šilainiai Project, 2019). The project has also been supported financially by the Lithuanian Culture Council. The Council provides funding for materials and tools necessary for enabling educational communal activities, which include clean-up events, workshops, lectures with naturalists and gardening experts, seed exchanges, grass mowing and more (Šilainių Sodai, n.d.). From 2020, the project has also received support from the “Initiatives for Kaunas” program of the Kaunas municipality (Krapavickaitė, 2021).
Since the inception of the project, Šilainiai Gardens have grown into a thriving community-driven endeavor, attracting over 100 members and fostering a sense of togetherness among the residents. The community holds gardening meetings every Wednesday from 18:00 to 20:00, organizes clean-up events on weekends, and hosts workshops on Sundays (Krapavickaitė, 2021).
Image 5: A photo of participants involved in the outdoors furniture making workshop by Vytautas Paplauskas (2020),
https://www.facebook.com/silainiusodai/photos/pb.100064754194218.-2207520000./3440968382580375/?type=3, used with permission from the initiative Šilainiai Gardens.
Who are the actors involved? What are their backgrounds?
Evelina Šimkutė is an artist and cultural producer who specializes in socially engaged art and creative place-making practices. She graduated from the Central Saint Martins College of Art and Design in 2012 and is currently based in Lithuania. Since 2015, Evelina has been leading the ‘Šilainiai Project,’ a creative platform in the Šilainiai housing estate in Kaunas. Evelina is a coordinator and an active initiator of the Šilainiai Urban Gardens initiative, focusing on long-term strategies for a sustainable city and community development in the neighborhood. E. Šimkutė is an actor organizer and participant of all the events, whose genuine and active involvement in the community is evident. Evelina is active on social media communicating and sharing events and achievements of the community (Šimkutė n.d. -b).
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic
issues can arise from its implementation?
It is difficult to critically evaluate the implementation of the project. It would perhaps require comprehensive research, such as an anthropological study or a survey of participants and neighbors. However, from an amateur outsider’s perspective, the project seems to have proven itself as a long-term, needed, effective, and practical initiative. I would attribute its success to the project managers and initiators drawing from the community’s traditional practices, which were already in place and are now supported and amplified through the project’s more formal structure and funding.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
Considering the significance of multiapartment buildings in Lithuanian architecture and their predominant occupancy by individuals often as old as the buildings themselves, it is reasonable to assume that this initiative could be replicated throughout the country. Considering that over 60% of Lithuanians reside in multiapartment buildings, with more than 70% of these buildings constructed before 1991, it is evident that many neighborhoods share similar characteristics with Šilainiai in terms of architecture, urban planning, and sociodemographics (fi-compass, n.d.; Renonbill, n.d.; ). These neighborhoods and their elderly residents could benefit from access to community and safe spaces promoting comfortable and active lifestyle essential for health and well-being. Consequently, in Lithuania, the Šilainiai Urban Gardens model could prove effective in promoting resilience, and a certain level of autonomy among senior citizens. However, it’s worth noting that some neighborhoods may not have access to land resources similar to what Šilainiai Gardens in Kaunas Fort Park offers, which could be seen as a primary limitation.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes? If yes, which?
The Šilainiai Gardens initiative can be considered conducive to broader changes and has the potential to impact various aspects of the community and its surroundings. The support and recognition from the city municipality, as well as the involvement of diverse non-governmental social enterprises, highlight the effectiveness, visibility, and versatility of the project.
In terms of broader changes, the initiative promotes social and environmental sustainability. By preserving traditional practices and knowledge, fostering sustainable social and agricultural practices, and promoting the cohabitation of people with flora and fauna, the Šilainiai Gardens project contributes to a more sustainable way of living. It encourages sustainable gardening practices, the use of non-chemical methods for pest control, and the cultivation of biodiversity, all of which have positive effects on the environment.
Additionally, the project promotes community preparedness and resilience. Through its emphasis on community engagement, shared activities, and the involvement of senior citizens with rural backgrounds, the initiative strengthens the sense of community and cultivates resilience among its members. The gardens provide a safe and natural space for physical activity, relaxation, and the sharing of traditional knowledge. By involving educators and naturalists, the project also promotes learning and encourages the passing on of knowledge to younger generations.
Institutionally, the support from the city municipality and the involvement of social enterprises indicate recognition of the importance of community-driven initiatives and the value they bring to the neighborhood. This recognition could lead to the developing of more supportive policies and institutional arrangements that encourage and facilitate similar grassroots projects in the future. The project’s success and its positive impact on the community’s well-being could inspire other neighborhoods or cities to adopt similar initiatives, further contributing to long-term sustainability and community preparedness.
In that regard, it is important to note that the Šilainiai Gardens initiative drew on experiences of overseas urban gardens. The project vision initiators overviewed Battery Urban Farm in NY (US), Lasnaidee Laagna Garden in Tallinn, and Aleksandri Community Garden in Tartu (Estonia) (Šimkutė et al., 2018). Moreover, representatives from Lasnaidee Garden visited Šilainiai Gardens, sharing their success stories and holding a workshop. The Furniture workshop, in particular, was an activity adapted from the Estonian friends (Javaitytė, 2022). This indicates cohesion among urban projects and the potential for the diffusion of these models.
Overall, the Šilainiai Gardens initiative goes beyond its immediate impact on gardening and community engagement. It has the potential to catalyze broader changes in terms of social, environmental, and institutional aspects, fostering a more sustainable, resilient, and prepared community.
References:
Burneika, D., Ubarevičienė, R., & Baranuskaitė, A. (2019). Soviet housing estates in Vilnius, Lithuania: socio-ethnic structure and future (-less?) Perspectives. Housing estates in the Baltic countries: The legacy of central planning in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. The Urban Book Series, Cham: Springer, 247-270.
fi-compass. (n.d.). Energy-saving renovation: good for the planet…and for the wallet. Retrieved June 14, 2023. https://www.fi-compass.eu/f/the-beacon-winter-2020-2021/energy-saving-renovation-in-lithuania/
Javaitytė S. (2022). VIII forto slėnyje įsikūrę Šilainių sodai – žydintis rojaus kampelis mieste. Kas vyksta Kaune. https://kaunas.kasvyksta.lt/2022/05/15/video/viii-forto-slenyje-isikure-silainiu-sodai-zydintis-rojaus-kampelis-mieste/
Krapavickaitė D. (2021). „Šilainių sodai“ laukia naujakurių! Kauno diena. https://kauno.diena.lt/naujienos/kaunas/miesto-pulsas/silainiu-sodai-laukia-naujakuriu-1025166
Renonbill. (n.d.). Knowledge sharing. Retreived June 14, 2023, from https://www.renonbill.eu/knowledge-sharing/the-residential-building-sector-in-lithuania?briefings=on&factsheets=on&infographics=on&language=any&reports=on&tools=on&page=1
Šilainiai Project. (2019, August 19). ŠILAINIŲ SODAI 2019 – Ilgoji versija [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fnzkfjO54_Y&t=512s&pp=ygUOc2lsYWluaXUgc29kYWk%3D
Šilainių Sodai (n.d.). Posts [Facebook page]. Facebook. Retrieved June 14, 2023, from https://www.facebook.com/silainiusodai
Šimkutė E. (n.d. -a). Šilainiai Urban Gardens. Retrieved June 14, 2023, from https://evelinasimkute.com/portfolio/Šilainiai-urban-gardens/
Šimkutė E. (n.d. -b). About. Retrieved June 14, 2023, from https://evelinasimkute.com/about/
Šimkutė E. et al. (2018). Šilainiai Gardens: Military Land Reclaiming Process Through Communal Gardening.
Darío Machuca
Regarding Environmental Justice and Agroecology
This paper engages in a dialogue with the theoretical framework proposed by Martínez-Alier, which “entails understanding that human economy is a subsystem of a broader physical system” (2008: 12, own translation). Specifically, the emphasis is placed on the environmental justice component of his thesis, as it presents a counterargument to the top-down agribusiness approach to land management. This perspective diverges from mainstream topics such as the concept of “sustainability” (see Martinez-Alier, 2008: 13, 2016: 98) and proves valuable in comprehending certain initiatives that, characteristic of the so-called “Global South,” manifest even in cases where resource mobilization within a community is scarce.
Environmental justice movements constitute one of the streams of environmentalism(s) described by Martinez-Alier (2016). While this may not always encompass the environmentalism of the poor, it is indeed true that a correlation exists between both expressions (Martinez-Alier, 2008). It is noteworthy that in the Global South, such manifestations exhibit distinct characteristics from those observed in countries of the Northern Hemisphere. For instance, there is a significant influence of the agricultural sector and a connection with the constraints imposed on traditional forms of agriculture within this context.
The progression of agrarian capitalism or “agrarian change” (Berstein, 2012) has led to the disappearance of a considerable number of small-scale producers and native species from local landscapes. It is the capitalist agrarian framework, not agriculture per se, that depletes the land and disrupts the ecosystem. In this context, among the expressions that counteract the primary manifestations of this issue, agroecology must be situated.
Certain experts have highlighted the potential for integrating agroecology into the broader global environmental justice movement (see Martinez-Alier, 2016: 100). In more specific terms, Rosset and Altieri offer the following definition:
Agroecology is variously known as the science that studies and attempts to explain the functioning of agroecosystems, primarily concerned with biological, biophysical, ecological, social, cultural, economic, and political mechanisms, functions, relationships, and design; as a set of practices that permit farming more sustainably, without using dangerous chemicals; and as a movement that seeks to make farming more ecologically sustainable and more socially just. (Rosset & Altieri, 2021: 1)
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
The studied initiative is implemented in South America, an area in which, as pointed out by Martinez-Alier;
in recent years, modern agriculture and the overall current economy have been criticized because they entail the consumption of fossil fuels, environmental contamination, and a greater loss of biodiversity compared to traditional agriculture and preindustrial economies […] In countries with a significant presence of rural communities, the ecological critique of modern agriculture currently converges into the Via Campesina movement. (Martinez-Alier, 2008: 24, own translation)
The above discussion helps to comprehend certain characteristics of environmentalism in the South American segment of the Global South. The case under examination, in particular, occurs in an Argentine locality within the Chaco, a vast plain that stretches across parts of Bolivia, Argentina, Paraguay, and Brazil, where temperatures in the summer exceed 40°C, while in winter they can drop below 0°C. Its predominant vegetation cover is xerophytic forest (Maldonado & Hohne, 2006), although the implementation of the agribusiness model has caused various disruptions in the ecosystem due to the expansion of cattle and soy farming, which have led to the deforestation of thousands of hectares and consequent destruction of the existing ecosystem landscape.
Image 1: Location of the South American Chaco, Avellaneda & Kremer (2016)
This initiative of experimentation, production, demonstration, and agroecological education, called “Faro Agroecológico La Arboleda” is promoted by the family of Miguel Gaulisky. It consists of an agroecological farm implemented in the rural area of Villa 213 municipality, a locality of approximately 6,000 inhabitants in the Pirané department of Formosa province, located in northern Argentina.
On this farm, Miguel welcomes students and small-scale producers to teach them the process of integration of fruit production, the preservation, recovery, and conservation of soils in the area, the use of the woods, and the native species. In this regard, the main beneficiaries are small-scale farmers, children, and young people from different parts of the continent who learn elements related to agroecology and climate field mitigation, which they can apply and adapt to their agricultural productions.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both, or other dimensions of climate change?
The environmentalism of this initiative presents elements of the mantra of Environmental Justice and the Environmentalism of the Poor (Martinez-Alier, 2016). In the region, various droughts have strongly affected the ecosystem in the last decade, impacting the population unequally and primarily affecting small-scale farmers. The necessity for survival makes the impoverished population aware of the need to conserve resources. This proposal aims to mitigate climate change by promoting family farming with an agroecological approach, focusing on local markets.
In his exploitation of 48 hectares, half of them are preserved as native woods while the rest is used for ecological production. The 24 hectares of native forest – both natural and planted – serve as a habitat for over 150 species of birds and other wildlife. Additionally, timber is harvested and cattle (20 heads) are raised in a silvopastoral system using natural forage. The farm also has a henhouse with 100 laying hens. The remaining 24 hectares are used for fruit and vegetable production with agroecological criteria (see Juárez, 2022).
Image 2: Distribution of space in La Arboleda, Juárez (2022)
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
Juárez (2022) explains the main objectives of agroecological projects this way:
The experience aims to confront the challenges posed by deforestation in the Chaco forest, the expansion of the agribusiness-linked agricultural frontier, and the production of commodities […] to raise visibility and educate farmers and technicians about agroecological production. Expand the agricultural activities of families in the participating communities. (Juárez, 2022, par. 19)
In turn, its managers set the objective of disseminating the agroecological approach, through visits, workshops, and camps. Miguel says that their values are closely tied to environmental care, education, and a sense of community: “We are focusing heavily on education so that you can gain knowledge and skills and also be able to stay in your fields” (Fontagro, par. 14, own translation). It is worth noting that the property has a camping area, a residential and lodging area, and a classroom area.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
Until the mid-1990s, Miguel was dedicated to cotton cultivation, which was the predominant crop in the Chaco region at that time but was in a state of decline in the Villa 213 area, leading to a significant disappearance of agricultural farms (Kazmer, Guillen & Sapkus, 2010; Guillen, Kazmer & Sapkus, 2012). This situation marked the beginning of the first of the two phases of this experience (see Juárez, 2022), which took place between 1994 and 2003. During this time, the Gauliski family shifted towards agroecological production after Miguel’s stay at the Bio Bio Education and Technology Center (CET-Chile) facilitated by the Catholic NGO, Institute of Popular Culture (INCUPO).
In 1996, Miguel developed a management plan for the native forest combined with vegetable plots, fruit trees, livestock, farm animals, and exotic tree species, with the collaboration of technicians from INCUPO and support from the Organization of American States (OAS) and the national government (Juárez, 2022). Furthermore, in 1999, he began working in coordination with the Instituto Nacional de Tecnología Agropecuaria (INTA) (Fontagro, 2022), the main institution dedicated to agricultural topics in the country.
In the second phase, from 2004 to the present, the farm transformed into a “beacon” and was equipped with the necessary infrastructure to receive and accommodate visitors through various experiential training activities. Since then, “La Arboleda” has been the venue for a diverse range of activities, including talks-workshops, conferences, educational-environmental camps, and rural agrotourism, among others.
In the province where Villa 213 is located, there is no established environmental movement with a significant trajectory, as it is seen as a subsidiary issue within the broader framework of peasant demands. In this sense, it’s worth highlighting the various ways in which an environmentalism of the poor could become evident, even in the absence of a formal environmental justice movement. It has been pointed out that: “In the province of Formosa, besides the actions of state organizations such as INTA, the Agroecological Beacon [La Arboleda], and the actions of INCUPO, they are the only ones working strongly from this perspective” (Juárez, 2022, own translation and emphasis). Given this context, the mere promotion of environmental issues can be seen as a visible effect.
Who are the actors involved? What are their backgrounds?
The actors involved in this experience include, first and foremost, the owner of the farm, Mr. Miguel Gauliski, his son, and his close collaborators who are responsible for the daily management of the production. They also receive support from volunteers, including technicians from public organizations and university students, who engage with “La Arboleda” to learn about the experience and study the production model (Juárez, 2022). In addition to these individuals, there are over a thousand visitors per year, including students, researchers, tourists, and farmers, among others.
Additionally, some actors participate in the experience as facilitators – for example, municipal officials or representatives from the provincial education department or forest organizations – who are involved in organizing visits and workshops. Others contribute their knowledge as advisors and/or trainers, such as personnel from INTA, the Servicio Nacional de Sanidad Animal (SENASA), and various provincial government departments. The farm has a demonstration plot for the Fontagro project, a joint program of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) and the Inter-American Institute for Cooperation on Agriculture (IICA), which implements integrated pest management (IPM) and disease control through prevention and the elimination of diseased plants (Peralta & Giancola, 2019; Fontagro, 2022).
“La Arboleda” receives support from the Ministry of Production and Environment of the province and the Municipality of Villa 213, whose logos can be seen as the main sign of the establishment.
Image 3: Main sign of La Arboleda
Nevertheless, a broader perspective on the socio-economic significance of “La Arboldeda” should entail contributions to stakeholder engagement policies, local government initiatives, and civil society organizations. This is especially important through measures that promote ecosystem governance, inclusivity, income generation, and prevention of outward migration trends, even when the capitalist agrarian conception disputes any form of community organization.
Which limits does it encounter?
“La Arboleda” receives various benefits by collaborating with organizations such as INCUPO, INTA – of which Mr. Gauliski is a member of the Local Advisory Council -, OAS, provincial government agencies, municipalities in the area – Villa Dos Trece and Mayor Villafañe -, producer associations, universities in the country – Universidad Nacional de Lomas de Zamora and Universidad Nacional de La Plata -, the Environmental Education and Agroecology Program of the Environmental Education Coordination Unit of the National Secretariat of Environment and Sustainable Development, secondary schools, among others (Juárez, 2022).
The necessity of governments to rely on the money from primary exports to sustain their policies for poverty alleviation has been pointed out as a constraint to the environmentalism of the poor (Martinez-Alier, 2016: 99). In this regard, it is important to note that governments, in one way or another, tend to employ certain mechanisms of institutionalization for civil initiatives, as seen in cases like La Arboleda. Therefore, expanding this experiment or further connecting it with larger organizations could potentially entail placing it under bodies that could alter its objectives and restrict its autonomy.
Indeed, operating as an Agroecological Beacon would require a certain level of coordination with other actors for its implementation, to attract a wider audience, and to achieve greater dissemination of the activities. This includes accessing various subsidies and human resources.
It has been noted that, in general, governments feel uncomfortable with initiatives that “explicitly opposes dispossession of land, forests, mineral resources, and water by governments or business corporations, fighting against the inroads of the generalized market system and the growth of social metabolism” (Martinez-Alier, 2016: 99). Therefore, it is worth questioning the existence of “top-down pressures” (Lapegna, 2019: 171-181) in these relationships aimed at influencing certain practices and discourses. In other words, the collaboration with numerous entities could potentially limit Miguel’s autonomy to maintain the benefits of these relationships.
Furthermore, it has been noted that;
There have been and continue to be public policies for agroecological-based family farming […] but the scale and penetration are still limited in the Argentine Gran Chaco region. Formal education and extension practices in agroecology are still closely tied to an academic and paternalistic perspective, and the Beacon has not yet positioned itself as a tool to expand knowledge boundaries by integrating family farmers. The agricultural frontier continues to expand in the Chaco, driven by the technological package of commodity agribusiness […] the scientific and technological system primarily serves extensive agribusiness interests (Juárez, 2022).
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
As mentioned, it is relevant to examine the farm management’s margins of autonomy. Furthermore, the limits of agroecology as an alternative to agribusiness continue to be a subject of debate, at least in the Global South (see Lapegna, 2019, Pons Cortès, 2022). The transformations in social relations of production and the concentration of capital within the prevailing accumulation regime continue the process of decomposition of the subaltern layers of the rural and agricultural world in the region (Azcuy Ameghino, 2021; Sapkus, Vázquez, & Telesca, 2021; Sapkus, 2022).
Furthermore, a challenge for La Arboleda is to establish a process of political autonomy that, through the production of knowledge and practices, politicizes the socio-environmental conflict to question the Capitalocene in terms of the capitalist accumulation processes that oppress the social, ecological, and biological reproduction of the communities and territories in question.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
The studied case can be understood in dialogue with various local expressions throughout the region within the global environmental justice movement. Within the region, there are different environmental activist spaces, such as Brazil’s landless workers’ movement MST. However, it’s likely that the enumerated challenges also arise in other areas. While there might be other governments or regional policies that could increase the likelihood of success or expansion, the truth is that its tangible implementation reveals significant limitations (Martinez-Alier, 2008, 2016).
Despite everything, it is true that the concept of an “Agroecological Beacon” already has instances in various countries, including Chile, Spain, and Colombia. In this sense, it can be confidently stated that the experience is potentially replicable in other spaces.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes?
This initiative was institutionalized through various legal instruments that accredited it before state authorities, which can serve as a precedent for future experiences and contribute to introducing environmental issues into public discourse. However, considering its limitations and the current course of the Capitalocene in the region, it would be speculative to claim that it leads to broader changes.
Conclusion
This paper has revolved around the concept of environmental justice through a case study situated in the South American region of the Global South, primarily involving the agricultural sector. In this context, agroecology has been perceived as a form of expression linked to the environmentalism of the poor and the environmental justice movement. The analyzed experience demonstrates significant continuity, and within its context, the mere promotion of environmental issues can be perceived as a noticeable outcome. Nevertheless, the relationship with the State strains its autonomy and poses challenges for further engagement in environmental advocacy.
References:
Avellaneda N. & Kremer L. (2016). La región del Chaco Americano [on-line]. https://www.ritimo.org/La-region-del-Chaco-Americano
Azcuy Ameghino, E. (2021). El capitalismo agrario pampeano. Buenos Aires: Imago Mundi.
Bernstein, H. (2012). Dinámicas de clase y transformación agraria. México: Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas.
Fontagro. (06 de junio de 2022). Encuentro interprovincial sobre Biodiversidad y Emprendimientos agroecológicos. https://www.fontagro.org/new/noticias/392/es/encuentro-interprovincial-sobre-biodiversidad-y-emprendimientos-agroecologicos
Guillen, J. L.; Kazmer, J. & Sapkus, S. (Septiembre, 2012). Desarrollo y agro en la provincia de Formosa en el cambio de siglo. In XXXII Encuentro de Geohistoria Regional. Instituto de Investigaciones Geohistóricas, Resistencia
Juárez, P. (2022). Colección de Experiencias DAKI – Semiárido Vivo. Cuaderno de casos Gran Chaco Americano 17: Faro agroecológico “La Arboleda”: Espacio educativo vivencial. Daki. https://semiaridovivo.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/DAKI_GCA_17_FARO_AGRECO_ESP_vf.pdf
Kazmer, J.; Guillen, J. L. & Sapkus, S. O. (Agosto, 2010). El agro en la provincia de Formosa en las últimas décadas. In XXX Encuentro de Geohistoria. Instituto de Investigaciones Geohistóricas, Resistencia.
Lapegna, P. (2019). La argentina transgénica: de la resistencia a la adaptación, una etnografía de las poblaciones campesinas. Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI.
Maldonado, P. & Hohne, E. (2006). Atlas del Gran Chaco americano. Buenos Aires: Agencia Alemana de Cooperación Técnica. https://redaf.org.ar/wp-content/uploads/2008/02/ATLAS_GRAN_CHACO_ES.pdf
Martinez-Alier, J. (2008). Conflictos ecológicos y justicia ambiental. Papeles, (113), 11-27. http://istas.net/descargas/Conflictos_ecologicos_J1%20_MARTINEZ_ALIER.pdf
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Peralta, C. & Giancola, S. (2019). Jornada de capacitación y lanzamiento del lote demostrativo en establecimiento “La Arboleda”, Formosa, Argentina. En Fontagro (Comp.), Control sustentable del vector de HLB en la Agricultura Familiar en Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay y Bolivia Producto 6. Capacitaciones sobre el control sustentable del vector del HLB y charlas de concientización social de prevención de HLB (pp. 47-61). Fontagro. https://www.fontagro.org/new/uploads/productos/17232_-_Producto_6_A%C3%B1o_2019_.pdf
Pons Cortès, G. (2022). No, la agroecología no solucionará los problemas del sistema alimentario. El país. https://elpais.com/planeta-futuro/3500-millones/2022-08-03/no-la-agroecologia-no-solucionara-los-problemas-del-sistema-alimentario.html
Rosset, P. & Altieri, M. (2017). Agroecology science and politics. Rugby: Practical Action Publishing Ltd.
Sapkus, S. (2020). Cambio agrario y reconfiguración de las relaciones sociales en la provincia de Formosa. In Guber, R. & Ferrero, L. (Eds.), Antropologías hechas en la Argentina, Vol. II (pp. 397-412). Montevideo: Asociación Latinoamericana de Antropología.
Sapkus, S.; Vázquez C. & Telesca, I. (Comps.). (2021). Ruralidad y sujetos subalternos: una mirada comparada al nordeste argentino. Formosa: EdUNaF.
By Lucia Tedesco
The “Rigenerazione No Speculazione” (Rigeneration No Speculation) Committee was founded by a group of Bologna’s citizens. In particular, the initiative takes place just outside Porta San Felice, in the Borgo Panigale-Reno neighbourhood (Bologna, Italy). The Committee’s action aimed to preserve the urban forest of Prati di Caprara (Caprara Meadows), giving birth – in the following years – to a socio-environmental movement and claiming the principles of social, environmental and climate justice (Zinzani & Proto, 2020). Thus, it not only benefits the citizens of Bologna, but also the entire ecosystem of the Prati di Caprara.
Image 1: Exploring the urban forest of Prati di Caprara, April
2022 Photo by Lucia Tedesco
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
The area of Prati di Caprara, which measures 47 hectares and is divided into two parts – east and west -, has gone through heterogeneous transformations over the last century (Zinzani & Curzi, 2020). Whereas at the very beginning of the 20th century it was used for agriculture, since the 1940s the area became a military site progressively abandoned during the 1970s.
In the early 1990s, Mayor Walter Vitali declared that Prati di Caprara would become a new municipal park, but the idea remained on paper and after forty years the area has become a real forest. So, Prati di Caprara was not on the political agenda until 2016, when the Municipality of Bologna produced a strategic document for urban regeneration (POC – Piano Operativo Comunale) without the participation of citizens (Zinzani & Curzi, 2020). The POC contemplated a quite radical transformation of Prati di Caprara area, officially owned by state enterprise INVIMIT, through the construction of new infrastructures, such as a fashion mall, residential and commercial buildings, a school and a new park. This transformation would imply the eradication of most of the forest (Zinzani & Curzi, 2020).
Faced with initial protests, Virginio Merola (the mayor at the time) said that this was not really a forest usable by citizens, but only “perceived green”. Various initiatives were organised then. In particular, after a public assembly on April 6th 2017, the “Rigenerazione No Speculazione” committee was born. Among the most significant moments, the Committee activists remember three in particular. The first, one activist recounts, is when they surrounded the forest in a huge embrace (see the picture). They write that they, 1870 people, embraced the forest, holding hands, all around the perimeter of the area (Wu Ming 2, 2022).
Image 2: Embracing the forest, April 2017. Photo by “Rigenerazione No Speculazione” Committee.
Then, the Committee organised ParteciPrati, a civic forum of participatory planning that involved a group of 100 citizens, as diverse as possible and living in Bologna, in a process that took place from January to April 2018 (Anonymous, personal communication, May 13, 2023). The Civic Forum availed itself of a technical staff and the supervision and support of a guarantee committee and a scientific commission. The process, implemented through 6 meetings, was supported by a group of facilitators and concluded with an open citizens’ assembly to present the results (10 May 2018). Also in 2018, in September, the Committee managed to obtain a public inquiry. An activist writes:
“when citizens collect at least 2500 signatures certified by a public official, the council must discuss the proposed topic. In our case, it committed to decreasing the number of flats and enlarging the green area that would remain intact. From a verge along the canal we went to a thirty-metre strip, but even thirty metres, compared to a thirty-nine-hectare forest, is very little. So we insisted, we went to the square disguised as trees, with ivy and fronds on, quoting Macbeth and the prophecy of the three witches. Those witches predict to the king that his power will end “when he sees Birnam forest advancing”, and we were advancing, like a forest, towards palazzo d’Accursio (ed. the seat of the municipality)”(Wu Ming 2, 2022, pp. 38-39).
Despite the fact that two hectares of forest were destroyed for the construction of a school, the “Rigenerazione No Speculazione” Committee’s actions led the municipality to re-discuss the POC and abandon previous development plans. The rest of the Prati di Caprara forest is still there, so
the Committee has declared that it will continue to mobilize to preserve the entire Prati di Caprara urban forest for a more sustainable, just and ecological future.
The process and mobilisation succeeded in raising awareness of the issue and, above all, in attracting the attention of the media. From being a liminal space unknown to most, the Prati di Caprara became the emblem of a battle for the defense of the environment and the commons, for an alternative regeneration of abandoned areas that were renaturalised (Zinzani & Curzi, 2020). Moreover, the area is ranked among the top ten Italian places to be protected and enhanced in the annual initiative promoted by the Italian Environmental Fund (Zinzani & Curzi, 2020).
Who are the actors involved? What are their backgrounds?
The Committee includes about 12 people (the founding group) and an imprecise number of inhabitants who take part in organising initiatives in different ways. The founding group, which also includes the three spokespersons, is composed of people with different backgrounds (e.g. from the fields of biology, urban planning, sociology, and forestry). They organise public meetings and make decisions on a democratic basis. The Committee also cooperates with other local associations and committees.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
The “Rigenerazione No Speculazione” initiative confronts the climate on several fronts. Indeed, the presence of the Prati in the city contributes not only to improving public health, but also to maintaining the balance of the entire ecosystem.
First of all, the Prati area helps regulate rainfall, for example by preventing flooding, and counteracts heat islands. Experts have highlighted how at Prati di Caprara surface temperatures are almost 10 degrees lower than in the adjacent large area of the railway yard, and at least 4-5 degrees lower than in the aforementioned third wall (Trentanovi et al., 2021). The Prati is a “cool” and unique island within Bologna’s urbanised system.
Moreover, the Prati has a positive impact on air quality, which is extremely impaired in urban contexts (Trentanovi et al., 2021). Experts have shown how the 17.5 ha of forest in the Prati di Caprara are able to capture and metabolise 900 to 1800 kg of fine dust per year (Trentanovi et al., 2021). As is well known, it is precisely particulate matter that is responsible for more than 90,000 deaths per year in Italy (WHO estimates) due to cardiovascular diseases and cancer (Trentanovi et al., 2021).
At the same time, the Prati contributes to carbon sequestration. It is estimated that a permanent forest with a natural structure at our latitudes, such as the Prati di Caprara forest, as a whole can store between 5 and 15 tCO2/ha/year depending on the pools considered (soil, stem, roots, branches and leaves), the age of the stand and climatic conditions (Trentanovi et al., 2021). The wooded areas of the Prati di Caprara constitute a very efficient “sponge” capable of absorbing considerable quantities of carbon dioxide (Trentanovi et al., 2021).
Finally, the presence of diversified flora and fauna guarantees the development and maintenance of biodiversity.
What are the main objectives?
The Committee was set up to intervene in the project for the renovation of Bologna’s municipal stadium, which envisaged commercial and building interventions in the quadrant from the Stadium to the sports center “Cierrebi” and the Prati di Caprara (Rigenerazione No Speculazione, n.d.). These interventions would have drastically changed the quality of life in the district and the city. For this reason, the Committee has two different objectives:
1) With regard to the Prati area, it asks that the urban forest should not be attacked or reduced to a conventional park, but that should maintain its unique qualities of biodiversity and ecological heritage. Moreover, the Committee asks INVIMIT, current owner of the Prati di Caprara, to take note of the requests of the city and the administration (Zinzani & Proto, 2020).
2) Concerning the Cierrebi, now owned by the Bologna Football Club, the Committee calls for a reopening of its facilities and the maintenance of its sporting vocation with public uses, as guaranteed by the convention contextual to its construction (Zinzani & Proto, 2020).
What are the main values?
The Committee claims that its main values include sharing a struggle, sisterhood/brotherhood and friendship, as well as valuing the common goods. By valorisation, in the case of the Prati, the Committee means that the forest should not be turned into a municipal park, but that it should be highlighted for its spontaneous and undisciplined nature.
Which limits does it encounter?
The main action carried out by the Committee is civil disobedience. In particular, as private property, the Prati di Caprara is not accessible to the public. This means that all the initiatives carried out within the area (e.g. exploratory walks) are liable to prosecution. However, one of the spokesmen I interviewed claims that fortunately so far no one has ever been reported (Anonymous, personal communication, May 10, 2023).
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
The main problems have to do with the internal organisation of the committee, as some activists I interviewed claimed (Anonymous, personal communication, May 13, 2023). The committee is a spontaneous and unstructured initiative by choice, which is why they may find themselves discussing divisive topics. Currently, they are working so that the assemblies can be better managed and more organised. Above all, they are reflecting on the possibility of becoming an association.
Another activist argues that also the communication process – both through social media and the journalistic world – could be considered a critical point (Anonymous, personal communication, May 13, 2023). Some would like the initiatives carried out and the work behind each choice and action to stand out more in the eyes of the public.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
Activists claim that the committee’s activity is replicable in other contexts, and indeed is already replicated in the Bologna area thanks to the collaboration with other groups of activists.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes?
The committee’s activities have managed to change the political agenda of the municipality of Bologna (Rigenerazione No Speculazione, n.d.), to change the narrative on the Prati di Caprara (in the past they spoke of “perceived green” now they speak of “urban forest”) and to involve many people, even outside the neighbourhood. the country.
References
Aria pesa. (n.d.). https://ariapesa.org/
Rigenerazione no speculazione. (n.d.). Rigenerazione No Speculazione. https://rigenerazionenospeculazione.wordpress.com/
Comitato “Rigenerazione No Speculazione”. (n.d.). Info. Facebook. Retrieved May 15, 2023 from https://www.facebook.com/Rigenerazionenospeculazione/?locale=it_IT
Trentanovi, G., Alessandrini, A., & Roatti, B. (2021). Il bosco urbano dei Prati di Caprara: Servizi ecosistemici e conflitto socio-ambientale (Prima edizione). Pàtron editore.
Trentanovi, G., Zinzani, A., Bartoletti, R., & Montanari, F. (2021). Contested novel ecosystems: Socio-ecological processes and evidence from Italy, «Environmental Development», 40, pp. 1 – 13. 100658. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.envdev.2021.100658
Wu Ming 2 (edited by, 2022). Bologna: Deviazioni inedite raccontate dagli abitanti. Ediciclo Editore.
Zinzani, A., & Curzi, E. (2020). Urban Regeneration, Forests and Socio-Environmental Conflicts: The Case of Prati di Caprara in Bologna, Italy, «ACME», 19, pp. 163-186.
Zinzani, A., & Proto, M. (2020). L’emergere del Political nei processi di rigenerazione urbana a Bologna: Movimenti e spazi di dissenso, «Geotema», pp. 45-54.
Angela Pietrafesa
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the
beneficiaries?
In the small city of Satriano di Lucania (PZ), Basilicata, Southern Italy, every year a celebration renews: it is the ritual Carnevale di Satriano (Carnival of Satriano), an ancient tradition that was transformed in recent years by the spontaneous initiative of Rocco Perrone, municipal councillor, activist and keeper of the tradition, and a group of young citizens. The annual celebration reiterates an ancestral ritual that has gained now a new meaning, thanks to the will of the organisers to bring a different reading to a local tradition, of which the whole community is extremely fond of. What makes this Carnevale unique is the presence of one of the most ancient traditional masks in Southern Italy. The name of this character is Rumita, a word that can be translated as hermit, a silent and quiet man whose identity is completely concealed by a mask made of ivy leaves. Every year, a parade of Rumita and other traditional masks march through the streets of Satriano, surrounded by a joyful crowd of locals and tourists. The Carnevale di Satriano has gained more and more international recognition over the years and has become one of the most important traditional festivals in Italy. Part of its magic, it should be noted, is due to the strong ecological message it delivers, linked to the coexistence of humans and non-humans, and the effective sustainable practices put in place during each edition. The message behind the tradition of the Rumita has always been that of a reconnection with nature, as anthropologists have observed (Spera 1982), but it was only with the reinvention of the rite that it has gained a deeper environmental awareness.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
Since the initial idea of redefining the traditional Carnevale, the initiative has become a full-fledged narrative of the everlasting relationship between human and non-human nature. This kind of connection between humans and the lands they inhabit, is one that still exists in Basilicata’s rural areas and is, in fact, incarnated by the hybrid being of the Rumita. With the recovery of the Carnevale and the traditional mask, the citizens of Satriano were able to revive the original spirit of the ritual. Traditionally, in fact, the Rumita was the hybrid of human and nature that at the end of winter would ask for food and small offers of money to the people of Satriano. Through the gifts to the Rumita, the village would pay back its debt towards nature (Spera 1982). The grassroot initiative for the recovery of the Carnevale has thus restored the ideal connection that interlinks the community of Satriano with the land it inhabits and has allowed the creation of a storytelling that merges past and present. The promoters of the new Carnevale, by always keeping in mind the ancient symbolic meaning of the Rumita, have created a new form of storytelling, that adds the sensibility of younger generations towards climate change and environment. It must be highlighted as well that climate change also has an impact on local communities and their culture and identity: it is crucial, therefore, to take concrete action towards the defence of lands as well as the nature and humans that inhabit them. However, the initiative has a more practical side, in which locals and tourists are directly involved: anyone can be involved in the parade, through workshops in which those willing to take part in the parade are invited to build their own Rumita costume and become one of the protagonists of La foresta che cammina. Moreover, the main promoters of the initiative are working to build a concrete environmental sensibility in their town: they have planted a large number of trees to compensate for the CO2 emissions of the event and, more importantly, to raise awareness among the students of local schools, who took part in the project. Being mainly an artistic and cultural initiative, the Carnevale shows that a connection between folklore, traditions and art is a way to spread awareness about climate change and the ways it can affect lands and identities.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
The Carnevale di Satriano as we know it today is a grassroot initiative that came from the innate sensibility of Rocco Perrone and the first organisers towards ecology and environmental sustainability. As stated by Perrone, one of the main goals for the promoters, while recovering an important historic tradition, is that of keeping the anthropic impact under control, as well as reflecting constantly on the role that the festival itself might have on the community and local environment. According to him, it is crucial to always remember the ancestral bond between pre-industrial nature and human beings, of which the Rumita is a metaphor. In addition, Perrone reiterated that every decision and step taken in the making of the Carnevale is spontaneous, and only dictated by a shared environmental consciousness that makes it possible for the rite to become an emblem for the importance of communities in becoming the true actors for a change. In short, the Carnevale exists for two main reasons: on one hand, it represents the symbolic hybridization of culture and nature, and, on the other, it provides new means and ideas for the local community to tackle rising concerns about the environment.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
The initiative began in 2012, when the Carnevale already existed but was very different from now. Perrone and a group of citizens were upset by the decision of the local administration of removing the parade floats from the program of the Carnevale. After this event, they decided to take action and ask for the permission to organise the future editions of the festival. It must be noted that while the traditional masks, including the Rumita, never truly disappeared from the festival, it was only after 2012 and the encounter with the film director Michelangelo Frammartino that the Carnevale and the Rumita started taking its present shape and meaning. After Frammartino’s video installation Alberi (ital. trees 2013) and its presentation at MoMa in New York, in fact, the tradition was changed and the Rumita, that once was a lonely hermit, now moves in groups. In the film, in fact, the director follows a group of Rumita in their annual visit to the town. Since 2014, the organisers of the Carnevale have taken inspiration from Frammartino’s vision and the Rumita are now 131, one for each town in Basilicata, organised in a parade called La foresta che cammina (The Walking Forest) (Perrone, interview 2023). After almost ten years, La foresta che cammina has become a moment for local population and outsiders to meet and form a diverse and rich community. The main result that the promoters have achieved is that of recreating every year a gathering of people connected by the respect for nature, that often lacks in modern society, and the creation of a sustainable model for the protection of historic rituals. Also, the rite has been opened to visitors and tourists, who, for the first time, are allowed to actively participate in the parade, by building their own mask and marching alongside with locals. This way the tradition has become universal, as universal is the message of returning to a healthy and wholesome relation with nature. As stated before, the goal of the promoters is that of having a sustainable celebration, open and accessible to all, that counts on many concrete initiatives, such as implementing the use of biodegradable and reusable items for the distribution of locally sourced food and drinks. This approach has created a virtuous circle of cooperation between the organisation of Carnevale and local producers and workers, as well as becoming a model for sustainable forms of tourism. Moreover, until now, the Carnevale has been included in the Aarhus Sustainability Model in 2018 as a case of good practice for the message it delivers as well as the implementation of sustainable actions throughout the celebration. The Rumita have also walked from Satriano to Matera to support the candidacy of the city as capital of culture for the year 2019, as well as taking part, in 2017, in the Aarhus Sustainability Festival, for which a group of Rumita have travelled on e-bike all the way to Denmark from Matera, always proposing itself as the guardian of an environmentalist message.
Who are the actors involved? What are their backgrounds?
During the years, La foresta che cammina and the Carnevale di Satriano have seen growing support from local institutions, inhabitants of Satriano, scholars, and reporters, as well as filmmakers. Besides Frammartino, in fact, Maria Giménez Cavallo in 2020 made the documentary La foresta che cammina, that follows the ritual stages of the building of the Rumita’s mask. The main stakeholders, however, are local organisations and associations: Associazione Al Parco, in particular, has been organising the celebration every year since 2013, and many other are involved in the synergy that brings the Carnevale alive, one of which is Forum dei Giovani di Satriano that directly takes care of the preparation and construction of the costumes for the Rumita.
Which limits does it encounter?
The idea of expanding the message of the Rumita and Carnevale has led to a growth in the number of people that come to Satriano every year from all around the world. While it is good for the rite to receive international recognition, Satriano is a small village that has a limited capacity. This is the biggest obstacle that Perrone has identified: the larger the number of tourists and visitors, the more the very existence of the festival is at risk. The consequence would be the loss of Carnevale because it could become virtually impossible to host in a small village such as Satriano a number of visitors that grows exponentially from year to year. It is also getting more and more complex to guarantee the sustainability of the project, because more visitors mean more cars, more pollution, and more waste, and also less control over the use of resources and the interaction with the local environment.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
Since this is a grassroot initiative, each aspect of the organisation is managed by volunteers, who cooperate to guarantee the success of the Carnevale. However, as the celebration gets bigger and bigger every year, it becomes dangerously easy to lose control over it. It is possible that, in future, it will be harder to follow the good practices that Rocco Perrone and the other volunteers have put in place until now (such as the monitoring of separate collection of waste, the promotion of carsharing and carpooling, the limited number of entries). From my personal perspective, in addition, the problem with an excessive number of tourists is also connected to a problematic gaze upon locals and their culture. In fact, when the local tradition of a small community is discovered by the general public, the first and most immediate critical aspect is the loss of unicity and peculiarity of the tradition. There is a concrete risk that the tradition could become more and more gentrified, to accommodate to the tastes of the average visitor, and that the symbolism and the conscious stance of Satrianesi might end up caught in a North-centred perspective, that flattens and manipulates the specificity of Southern regions that have often been only depicted by others (Cassano 2005).
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
While the mask of the Rumita is specific of Satriano and would be impossible to export it elsewhere, the model of the Carnevale di Satriano, potentially, can become a precedent for the creation of other local-driven narratives to promote a strong ecologist message and the specific characteristics and traditions of small communities. The measures adopted to guarantee the sustainability of the celebration prove that a grassroot initiative, lead only by the enthusiasm and willingness of local promoters, can really become the motor for a concrete action towards the reappropriation of marginal identities and the rediscovery of one’s own ancestral roots. The initiative, of course, still has its limitations, some of them highlighted above, but I believe it can lead the way towards a more aware conception of tourism.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes ?
The organisation of the Carnevale is constantly working towards the building of a concrete environmental consciousness inside the community of Satriano: Perrone reported that the main associations involved in the making of the Carnevale have worked with schoolkids to build trees in order to compensate for the CO2 produced during the celebration and, also, to educate them to the respect of nature and environment. It is now necessary for the community and the town to avoid the collapse of the Carnevale: to do so, Perrone and those involved in the organisation, are actively trying to build a balance between the openness of the celebration and the town to the outside world and a constant attention for the land and town of Satriano. It was taken into consideration to extend the period of the Carnevale (that now is of two days), as well as opening to an active dialogue with local institutions and population to create a deep understanding of the dynamics that act between human and non-human nature and their intrinsic fragilities.
References
Carnevale di Satriano https://www.carnevaledisatriano.it.
Cassano, F. (2005). Il pensiero meridiano. Laterza.
Perrone, R. (2023). Interview.
Spera, E., (1982). Il Romita, l’orso e la vedova bianca, in Quaderni. Edizioni La scena territoriale.
By Catalina Quiroga Manrique
Version in Spanish below
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented?
In a territory1 that is highly disputed by various actors, a group of 12 women belonging to the black community of Villa Gloria, in the district of La Boquilla, Cartagena, Colombia, are planting mangroves to reforest the Ciénaga de la Virgen and Juan Polo. “Mangle verde, salvemos a Villa Gloria“, is the name of the local initiative to adapt to climate change and care for the mangroves as the home of the black communities. This project began in 2017 with the support of the company Concesión Costera, a conglomerate of companies in charge of the construction of the viaduct to link the city of Cartagena with Barranquilla2.
The Ciénaga de la Virgen and Juan Polo is a coastal lagoon located on the north side of the city of Cartagena and separated from the sea by a sandy beach. This cordon of sands is the territory where the black communities of La Boquilla, Villa Gloria Linda have consolidated their homes after successive displacements associated with the conflict and land grabbing in the interior of the Caribbean (Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica, 2017). The swamp is considered a priority part of the region’s territorial and environmental planning. CARDIQUE (Corporación Regional Autónoma) declared the region a priority for water management, adaptation, and mitigation of climate change on the edge of the city of Cartagena since 2003.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
1 In this entry, the term territory is used to understand the social and power relations that transform and organise certain spaces. Beyond a concept centred on the limits of space, the idea of territory that I use is one that allows me to think about how different actors territorialise ways of life and defend local spaces (Fernandes, 2009; Ulloa, 2016).
2 The infrastructure work of the “viaducto el gran manglar” is part of a process of construction of fourth generation roads that seek to connect the cities of Barranquilla and Cartagena, as they are the cities with the highest urban growth and development in the Caribbean region (Ministry of Transport, 2021). The project had a total cost of 1.64 trillion pesos, and according to the Colombian government: “it benefited nearly 3 million people in Bolívar and Atlántico and allowed the generation of 9 thousand jobs in the region” (Ministry of Transport, 2021, web page). This viaduct was built over 5.4 km of the Ciénaga de la Virgen.
Since 2017, the women’s community of Villa Gloria, which initially had a total of 26 families, has been managing a mangrove seedbed where they produce seedlings for reforestation processes in the ecosystem (Álvarez, 2019). The project was initially financed by the company Concesión Costera in the framework of the fulfilment of its responsibilities with the Consulta Previa e Informada (Prior and Informed Consultation)3. However, the women who started the process quickly claimed the project as their own and as a fundamental part of the defence of the territory, which includes the use and care of the mangrove as their home (Contreras, 2021).
The general idea of the mangrove planting project was to implement mangrove seedbeds of various species, which would then form the basis for the environmental compensation process associated with the construction of the viaduct. In addition to this, the women leading the project mention that preserving the mangrove forest is the way to guarantee access to food, promote fishing as a key economic activity for these communities and guarantee the permanence of these communities in areas that are highly disputed by other actors.
3 Prior and Informed Consultation is a participation mechanism included in ILO Convention 169 on indigenous and tribal peoples, which urges national governments to promote spaces for consultation and redress for activities related to land use change in territories inhabited by indigenous and Afro-descendant communities, in the case of Colombia.
Villa Gloria, Cartagena, images by author
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
From the beginning, this project has been community-led, although it has been related to private actors. The planting of mangroves has become a way to generate local capacity in historical processes of territorial defence. This entry, then, aims to present the challenges and the history of a climate change adaptation initiative that is inserted in a context of profound inequality, but also demonstrates how at the local level the mangrove is key to the defence of the territory and the lives of black women in the community.
Different private, public, academic, and local actors are involved in this conflict associated with the mangrove restoration process. In this sense, beyond showing the initiative in detail, this entry seeks to highlight the complex relationships between different actors and the mangrove ecosystem in the process of implementing a project associated with climate change mitigation or adaptation in urban contexts.
What is the timeline, who are the actors involved? What are their backgrounds?
Cartagena is a city characterized by high rates of segregation and inequality, much of it race-related. The process of segregation in Cartagena began in the early 20th century. Between 1910 and 1930, members of the economic elite began a process of promoting the city as a tourist jewel. This process took place through the consolidation of various institutions such as hotel and merchant organisations (Deavila Pertuz, 2015; Flórez-Bolívar, 2015). Each of these actors, who also promoted the growth of the city as synonymous with development, produced discourses in which the presence of black and mulatto communities was seen as obstacles to development (Cunin, 2013). The idea of the dream city, called “the pearl of the Americas”, was the discourse that justified the production of a racist city.
According to Deavila (2015), the urban development of Cartagena since the 1950s was based on the production of tourist spaces, and therefore on the displacement of poor neighbourhoods, most of them inhabited by black communities, to the peripheries, including the vicinity of the Ciénaga de la Virgen and Juan Polo. One of the mechanisms that produced this territorial organisation was the patrimonialisation of the historic city centre. This patrimonialisation took place through the “cleaning” of the edges of the city walls. These produced processes of gentrification that expelled black populations towards La Boquilla and Villa Gloria sectors (Deavila Petruz, 2015).
In the context of these processes of segregation and added to the presence of the armed conflict and the control of fertile lands in regions close to Cartagena, such as Montes de María, on 26 March 1993, Doña Gloria and approximately 26 families from the sectors of La Boquilla, Barú, Sur de Bolivar, Montes de María and Magdalena Medio settled on a beach in a shallow area on the edge of the Ciénaga de la Virgen and Juan Polo facing the Caribbean Sea (Grupo de Memoria Histórica, 2013). At that time, this sector was part of the privately owned Hacienda Los Morros. For several months these families were settled there, fishing and organising the neighbourhood. By 1994, the community had already built some houses and were beginning to build a grassroots organisation called the Pro-Boquilla Committee, of which Doña Gloria was one of the leaders (Gil Cepeda, 2014; Lozano, 2015).
Due to the work carried out by the Pro-Boquilla Committee and the process of community consolidation, in 1995, the then owners of Hacienda Los Morros together with the police forcibly evicted several families from the community. The title deed that supported the police action mentioned that Mrs. Sonia Gutt de Haime and Mr. Carlos Haime B. were the owners of the Los Morros Development Company, Colombia branch, and that the land occupied by the Villa Gloria community was their property (Gil Cepeda, 2014). Despite this, the Villa Gloria community, as a strategy to defend the territory, at the local level, began a process of recognition as a Community Council of Afro-descendant communities.
During the second part of the 1990s, the process of defending the territories through the consolidation of Community Councils under Law 70 of 1993 became stronger and stronger. Achieving the consolidation of community spaces was the working horizon of these communities whose permanence in this territory between the mangrove swamp and the Caribbean Sea was threatened. Thus, after the entry into force of Law 70 of 1993, several communities living in the corregimiento of La Boquilla, including Villa Gloria, began a process to guarantee their recognition and their rights to land ownership and use of the mangroves (Gil Cepeda, 2014; Hernández-Ospina, 2020; Lozano, 2015).
The first community council to receive municipal recognition from the mayor’s office of Cartagena was Marilinda in 1996, followed by La Boquilla in 2005. It was only in 2018 that Villa Gloria received such recognition. The recognition of the community councils, however, did not imply a land titling process. Several reasons were mentioned by the then INCODER, the state office in charge of land titling processes. Among the reasons mentioned was that these communities had arrived in this area after displacement processes and therefore there was no national land registry.
The dispute over land ownership in this sense has been a key element in the history of this organisation of Mangrove planters. As an example of this, Hernández (2020) mentions that between 2000 and 2001 INCODER visited the community of Villa Gloria and declared that the land was not part of the Haime family’s land title. However, this family hired a private surveyor and disputed the decision. At the same time, the Corporación Autónoma Regional CARDIQUE sent a letter to the mayor of Cartagena stating that these “invading” communities were at high risk of flooding. The author mentions that these legal and judicial processes helped to consolidate a negative image of the communities of Villa Gloria, affecting local processes of territorial defence (Hernández-Ospina, 2020).
This story of resistance is the precursor to the locally led mangrove conservation project. This project, like others associated with climate change, has been appropriated by the community in order to comprehensively defend their right to land, sea and mangrove. All this exalting their role as key actors in the production of knowledge associated with climate change adaptation.
Which limits does it encounter? How would it be potentially replicable in other settings? Is this initiative conducive to broader changes?
For Villa Gloria’s women mangrove-planters, adaptation actions have become a way of defending Black territories from the pressures of both climate change events and urban growth. This also fits within literature on how climate change can deepen the inequalities in urban contexts where high-value urban development threatens impoverished communities. As Goh (2021) explains, climate events and responses can end up exposing “persistent social and spatial striation… [and] long-time patterns of marginalization that were accentuated in the wake of the disasters and at risk of being entrenched and exacerbated in the future plans”. As the author also notes, community groups end up mobilizing against “the perceived injustices and oversights of the prominent plans”.
With this in mind, it is worth mentioning that the local climate change adaptation strategy led by black women in the city of Cartagena is also part of a process of territorial defence against the dispossession of livelihoods and land. This concrete example shows how climate change adaptation and mitigation is linked to the struggle for territorial rights. In this sense, this initiative allows us to recognise how claims for access to land and the guarantee of the reproduction of life are transformed and adapted to projects that are part of international agendas.
Thus, in the development of these adaptation projects, local communities encounter two limits in the application of the project, the first of which has to do with the fact that the institutions responsible for the application of climate change policies do not necessarily recognise the existence of structural inequalities, and therefore reduce the application of projects to short-term processes that are not in tune with the historical claims of the communities. Second, some private actors also take a narrow view of the impacts of development projects on the daily lives of the communities they impact.
Are there any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
The case study in Cartagena de Indias with the women mangrove planters is an interesting example of how locally climate change is intertwined with previous socio-environmental inequalities, as well as with local territorial defence actions. This implies that the implementation of adaptation projects is transformed, discussed, and redefined at the local level. In terms of the possibilities of replicating the exercise, I consider that beyond the replication of mangrove planting processes, it is relevant to recognise the places where these projects are applied. This means that beyond generating models, it is relevant to know the historical formations and the processes of exclusion and resistance that are found at the local level. All this in order to recognise how projects associated with climate change can fit in or generate new frictions in their application.
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SPANISH VERSION
Paisajes del cambio climático: manglares, resistencias negras y mujeres frente a procesos a adaptación y mitigación del Cambio Climático en Cartagena de Indias, Colombia
By Catalina Quiroga Manrique.
¿Dónde se implementa la iniciativa de organización comunitaria?
En un territorio4 altamente disputado por varios actores, un grupo de 12 mujeres pertenecientes a la comunidad negra de Villa Gloria, corregimiento de la Boquilla, Cartagena, Colombia, siembran manglar para reforestar la Ciénaga de la Virgen y Juan Polo. “Mangle verde, salvemos a Villa Gloria”, es el nombre de la iniciativa local de adaptación al cambio climático y el cuidado de los manglares como hogar de las comunidades negras (Contreras, 2021). Este proyecto inició en el 2017 con el apoyo de la empresa Concesión Costera, un conglomerado de empresas a cargo de la construcción del viaducto para unir las ciudades de Cartagena y Barranquilla5.
La ciénaga de la Virgen y Juan Polo es una laguna costera ubicada sobre el costado norte de la Ciudad de Cartagena y separada del mar por un cordón de arenas. Este cordón de arenas es el territorio donde las comunidades negras de La Boquilla, Villa Gloria y Marilinda han consolidado sus hogares luego de sucesivos desplazamientos asociados al conflicto y al acaparamiento de tierras en el interior del caribe (Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica, 2017). La ciénaga es considerada parte prioritaria del ordenamiento territorial y ambiental de la región, incluyendo los servicios ecosistémicos asociados a adaptación al cambio climático. CARDIQUE (La Corporación Regional Autónoma) declaró desde el 2003 la región como prioritaria para el manejo del agua, la adaptación y la mitigación del cambio climático al borde de la ciudad.
4 En este trabajo el término de territorio es usado para comprender las relaciones sociales y de poder que transforman y organizan determinados espacios. Más allá de un concepto centrado en los límites del espacio, la idea de territorio que utilizo es aquella que me permite pensar cómo diferentes actores territorializan formas de vida y defienden espacios locales (Fernandes, 2009; Ulloa, 2016)
5 La obra de infraestructura del “viaducto el gran manglar” hace parte de un proceso de construcción de vías de cuarta generación que buscan conectar la ciudad de Barranquilla y Cartagena por ser las ciudades con mayor crecimiento urbano y desarrollo de la región Caribe (Ministerio de Transporte, 2021). El proyecto tuvo un costo total de 1,64 billones de pesos, y según el gobierno de Colombia: “benefició a cerca de 3 millones de persona en Bolívar y Atlántico y permitió la generación de 9 mil empleos en la región” (Ministerio de Transporte, 2021,
web page). Este viaducto fue construido sobre 5,4 km de longitud de la Ciénaga de la Virgen.
¿Cuáles son los principales objetivos y cuales los principales valores de la iniciativa?
Desde el año 2017, la comunidad de mujeres de Villa Gloria, que contó al principio con un total de 26 familias, maneja un semillero de manglar donde producen plántulas para procesos de reforestación del ecosistema (Álvarez, 2019). La idea general de proyecto de siembra de manglar fue implementar unos semilleros de manglar de varias especies, que luego fueran la base para el proceso de compensación ambiental asociada a la construcción del viaducto. Así mismo, la idea de los semilleros fue construir un emprendimiento que brindara libertad económica a algunas de las mujeres participantes. En todo caso, la venta de manglar es todavía un proyecto que no tiene suficiente salida económica.
El proyecto de siembra inicialmente fue financiado por la empresa Concesión Costera en el marco del cumplimiento de sus responsabilidades con la Consulta Previa e Informada6 asociada a construcción del viaducto. Sin embargo, rápidamente las mujeres reclamaron el proyecto como suyo y como parte fundamental de la defensa del territorio. Las mujeres que lideran el proyecto mencionan que preservar el manglar es la forma de garantizar el acceso a la alimentación, promover la actividad pesquera como actividad económica clave para estas comunidades y garantizar la permanencia de estas comunidades en zonas altamente disputadas por otros actores. Así, para las mujeres negras de Villa Gloria, más allá de la compensación ambiental y la reforestación, cuidar y preservar el manglar incluye el aprovechamiento de las aguas y los bosques y la construcción de una geografía negra en resistencia (Contreras, 2021).
¿Cómo la iniciativa se relaciona con el cambio climático? ¿La idea es hacer frente a procesos de mitigación o adaptación, ambos u otra dimensión relacionada con cambio climático?
Desde el inicio este proyecto ha sido liderado comunitariamente, si bien este ha estado relacionado con actores privados, la siembra de manglar se ha convertido en una forma de
6 La Consulta Previa e Informada es un mecanismo de participación incluido en el convenio de la OIT 169 sobre pueblos indígenas y triviales, que insta a los gobiernos nacionales a promover espacios de consulta y reparación por actividades relacionadas con cambio del uso del suelo en territorios donde habitan comunidades indígenas y afrodescendientes, en el caso de Colombia.
generar capacidad local en procesos históricos de la defensa del territorio. Esta entrada7 tiene como fin presentar los retos y la historia de una iniciativa de adaptación al cambio climático que se inserta en un contexto de profunda desigualdad pero que demuestra cómo a nivel local el manglar es clave para la defensa del territorio y de la vida de las mujeres negras de la comunidad.
¿Cuál es la historia de la iniciativa?, ¿Cuáles son los actores involucrados?, ¿Cuáles son sus historias locales?
Cartagena es una ciudad caracterizada por altas tasas de segregación y desigualdad, muchas de ellas relacionadas con la raza (Deavila Pertuz, 2015). El proceso de segregación de Cartagena comenzó a principios del siglo XX. Entre los años 1910 y 1930, miembros de la élite económica comenzaron un proceso de promoción de la ciudad como una joya turística. Este proceso se dio por medio de la consolidación de diversas instituciones como las organizaciones de hoteles y comerciantes (Deavila Pertuz, 2015; Flórez-Bolívar, 2015). Cada uno de estos actores, que además promovían el crecimiento de la ciudad como sinónimo de desarrollo, produjo discursos en donde la presencia de comunidades negras y mulatas eran vista como obstáculos para el desarrollo (Cunin, 2013). La idea de la ciudad soñada, llamada “La perla de américa” era el discurso que justificaba la producción de una ciudad racista.
Según Deavila (2015) el desarrollo urbano de Cartagena desde los años 50 se basó en la producción de espacios turísticos, y, por lo tanto, en el desplazamiento de barrios pobres, la mayoría de estos habitados por comunidades negras, hacia las periferias, incluyendo las inmediaciones de la Ciénaga de la Virgen y Juan Polo. Uno de los mecanismos que produjo esta organización territorial fue la patrimonalización del centro histórico de la ciudad. Esto produjo procesos de gentrificación que expulsaron a las poblaciones negras hacía el sector de La Boquilla y Villa Gloria (Deavila Petruz, 2015).
En el marco de estos procesos de segregación y sumado a la presencia del conflicto armado y el control de tierras fértiles en regiones cercanas a Cartagena, como Montes de María, un 26 de marzo de 1993, Doña Gloria y aproximadamente 26 familias provenientes del sector de la
7 En este conflicto asociado al proceso de restauración del manglar hacen presencia diferentes actores privados, públicos, académicos y locales. En este sentido, más allá de mostrar la iniciativa en detalle, esta entrada busca poner de manifiesto las complejas relaciones que se entablan entre diferentes actores y el ecosistema de manglar en el proceso de implementación de un proyecto asociado a la mitigación o adaptación al cambio climático en contextos urbanos.
Boquilla, Barú, el Sur de Bolivar, Montes de María y el Magdalena Medio se instalarón en un playón en zona de bajamar a borde de la Ciénaga de la Virgen y Juan Polo y de frente al Mar Caribe (Grupo de Memoria Histórica, 2013). Para ese momento, este sector era parte de la Hacienda Los Morros, propiedad privada. Durante varios meses estas familias estuvieron allí asentadas pescando y organizando su territorio. En 1994, la comunidad ya había construido algunas casas y comenzaban a construir la organización de base llamada el Comité Pro-Boquilla, del cuál Doña Gloria era una de las lideresas (Gil Cepeda, 2014; Lozano, 2015).
Debido al trabajo realizado por el Comité Pro-Boquilla y el proceso de consolidación de la comunidad, en 1995, los entonces dueños de la Hacienda Los Morros junto con la polícia desalojaron a la fuerza a varias familias de la comunidad. El título de propiedad que sustentó la acción de la policía mencionaba que la señora Sonia Gutt de Haime y el señor Carlos Haime B. eran los dueños de la empresa de Desarrollo los Morros sucursal Colombia y que los terrenos ocupados por la comunidad de Villa Gloria eran de su propiedad (Gil Cepeda, 2014). A pesar de esto, la comunidad de Villa Gloria, como estrategia de defensa del territorio, a nivel local, comenzó un proceso de reconocimiento como Consejo Comunitario de comunidades afrodescendientes. Una figura jurídica asociada a la Ley 170 de 1993 que reconoce la presencia de pueblos afrodescendientes y busca garantizar la pervivencia de estos.
Durante la segunda parte de la década de los noventa el proceso de defensa de los territorios por medio de la consolidación de Consejos comunitarios cobijados bajo la ley 70 de 1993, se fue haciendo cada vez más fuerte. Lograr la consolidación de espacios comunitarios era el horizonte de trabajo de estas comunidades que veían amenazada su permanencia en este territorio entre el manglar y el mar Caribe. Es así, cómo luego de la entrada en vigencia de la Ley 70 de 1993, varias comunidades habitantes del corregimiento de La Boquilla, incluyendo Villa Gloria comenzaron un proceso para garantizar su reconocimiento y sus derechos a la propiedad de la tierra y el uso de los manglares (Gil Cepeda, 2014; Hernández-Ospina, 2020; Lozano, 2015).
El primer consejo comunitario que recibió reconocimiento municipal de la alcaldía de Cartagena fue Marilinda en 1996, seguido de la Boquilla en 2005. Solo hasta el 2018, Villa Gloria recibió dicho reconocimiento. El reconocimiento de los consejos comunitarios, sin embargo, no implicó un proceso de titulación de tierras. Varios motivos fueron mencionados
por el entonces INCODER, oficina del estado encargada de procesos de titulación de tierras. Entre los motivos mencionados se dijo que estas comunidades habían llegado a esta zona luego de procesos de desplazamiento y que por tanto no había registro de propiedad a nivel nacional.
La disputa por la propiedad de la tierra en ese sentido ha sido un elemento clave para tener en cuenta en la historia de esta organización de sembradoras de Manglar. Como muestra de esto, Hernández (2020) menciona que entre el año 2000 y 2001 el INCODER visitó la comunidad de Villa Gloria y declaró que esa tierra no era parte del título de propiedad de la Familia Haime. Sin embargo, esta familia contrató a un topógrafo privado y disputó la decisión. Al mismo tiempo, la Corporación Autónoma Regional CARDIQUE envió una carta al alcalde de Cartagena mencionando que estás comunidades “invasoras” se encontraban en alto riesgo de inundación. La autora menciona que estos procesos legales y judiciales acompañados de varios prejuicios ayudaron a consolidar una imagen negativa de las comunidades de Villa Gloria, afectando los procesos locales de defensa de los territorios (Hernández-Ospina, 2020).
Hoy, 2023, el único Consejo comunitario que cuenta con titulación de tierras es el consejo Comunitario de La Comunidad Negra del Gobierno Rural de La Boquilla. La historia de este proceso de titulación es analizada por Hernández quien menciona que el primer registro de reclamo comunitario de tierras data del año 2012, varios años después de haber logrado el reconocimiento como consejo comunitario (Hernández-Ospina, 2020). La misma autora menciona que actores económicos y políticos tales como dueños de tierras, entre ellos la familia Haime, dueña de la Hacienda de Los Morros, emprendimientos turísticos y otros empresarios locales estaban en contra de este reclamo de tierras. Entre los argumentos que tenían estos actores estaban que esas comunidades no eran afrodescendientes, no cuidaban el medio ambiente y por lo tanto eran invasores y destructores del manglar y que esas tierras no podían ser ocupadas por ser zonas de inundación y bajamar (Hernández-Ospina, 2020).
Esta historia de despojo de tierras y formas de vida, y de resistencia es la antesala del proyecto de conservación de manglar para la adaptación al cambio climático liderado localmente. Este proyecto ha sido apropiado por la comunidad con el fin de defender integralmente su derecho a la tierra, al mar y al manglar. Todo esto exaltando su papel como actores claves en la producción de conocimiento asociado a la adaptación al cambio climático en terrenos altamente disputados y con la ausencia de derechos de propiedad sobre las tierras.
¿Cuáles son los límites y obstáculos que la iniciativa ha encontrado? ¿Qué tipo de arreglos institucionales ha permitido abrir esta iniciativa?
Para las mujeres plantadoras de manglar de Villa Gloria, las acciones de adaptación asociadas a la siembra del manglar se han convertido en una forma de defender los territorios negros de las presiones tanto de los fenómenos del cambio climático como del crecimiento urbano y lo que este ha implicado en términos de exclusión. La titulación de tierras es la principal lucha de la comunidad y, dentro de ese contexto, la plantación de manglares se ha convertido en una forma de hacer valer su derecho a permanecer en los márgenes de la ciudad de Cartagena. Esto también encaja en la literatura sobre cómo los efectos del cambio climático pueden profundizar las desigualdades en contextos urbanos donde el desarrollo urbano de alto valor amenaza a las comunidades empobrecidas que además son las responsables de promover proyectos de protección de la ciudad. Como explica Goh (2021), los fenómenos climáticos y sus respuestas pueden acabar sacando a la luz “estrías sociales y espaciales persistentes… [y] pautas de marginación de larga data que se acentuaron tras los desastres y corren el riesgo de afianzarse y exacerbarse en los planes futuros”. Como también señala el autor, los grupos comunitarios acaban movilizándose contra “las injusticias y descuidos percibidos de los planes destacados”.
Teniendo esto en cuenta se puede mencionar que la estrategia local de adaptación al cambio climático liderada por mujeres negras en la ciudad de Cartagena se enmarca también en un proceso de defensa del territorio contra el despojo de formas de vida y tierras. Este ejemplo concreto muestra como la adaptación y mitigación al cambio climático está atada a la lucha por lo derechos territoriales. En este sentido esta iniciativa permite reconocer como los reclamos de acceso a la tierra y la garantía a la reproducción de la vida se transforman y se adaptan a proyectos que hacen parte de agendas internacionales.
Así, en el desarrollo de estos proyectos de adaptación las comunidades locales encuentran dos límites en la aplicación del proyecto, el primero de ellos tienen que ver con que las instituciones encargadas de la aplicación de políticas de cambio climático no necesariamente reconocen que existen desigualdades estructurales, y por lo tanto reducen la aplicación de proyectos a procesos de corto plazo que no entran en sintonía con los reclamos históricos de las comunidades. Segundo, algunos actores privados también tienen una mirada muy reducida de los impactos de los proyectos de desarrollo en las vidas cotidianas de las comunidades a las que impactan.
¿Qué puntos críticos emergen de la lectura y el análisis de esta iniciativa? ¿Qué otros problemas pueden emerger en el proceso de implementación?
El estudio de caso en Cartagena de Indias con las mujeres sembradoras de manglar es un ejemplo interesante de cómo localmente el cambio climático se entrelaza con previas desigualdades socioambientales, así como con acciones locales de defensa territorial. Esto implica que la aplicación de proyectos de adaptación se transforma, discute y redefine a nivel local. En términos de las posibilidades de replicar el ejercicio, considero que más allá de la réplica de los procesos de siembra de manglar, es relevante reconocer los lugares en donde estos proyectos son aplicados. Esto quiere decir, que más allá de generar modelos, es relevante conocer las formaciones históricas y los procesos de exclusión y resistencia que se encuentran a nivel local. Todo esto con el fin de reconocer cómo los proyectos asociados al cambio climático pueden encajar o bien generar nuevas fricciones en su aplicación.
Referencias
Álvarez, R. (2019). En Villa Gloria al mangle le dicen “El oro verde” | EL UNIVERSAL – Cartagena. El Universal.
https://www.eluniversal.com.co/cartagena/en-villa-gloria-al-mangle-le-dicen-el-oro-v
erde-CD2140958
Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica. (2017). Campesinos de tierra y agua: Memorias
sobre sujeto colectivo, trayectoria organizativa, daño y expectativas de reparación
colectiva en la región Caribe 1960- 2015. (CNMH, Ed.). CNMH. Contreras, D. (2021). Vivienda Y Manglar: Un Análisis De Los Procesos De
Reterritorialización Desde La Comunidad Afro De Villa Gloria En Cartagena.
Universidad Santo Tomás.
Deavila Pertuz, O. C. (2015). Los desterrados del paraíso: Turismo, desarrollo y
patrimonialización en Cartagena a mediados del siglo XX. In Los desterrados del paraíso. Raza, pobreza y cultura en Cartagena de Indias (Issue December, pp.
123–146). Maremágnum. https://www.academia.edu/20292495/Los_desterrados_del_para%C3%ADso_turismo _desarrollo_y_patrimonializaci%C3%B3n_en_Cartagena_a_mediados_del_siglo_XX
Fernandes, B. M. (2009). Sobre la tipología de los territorios. In CLACSO. Haesbaert. http://www.iirsa.org
Flórez-Bolívar, F. (2015). Culto a la piedra, desprecio a la gente: Cartagena en tres escenas. In Los desterrados del paraíso Raza, pobreza y cultura en Cartagena de Indias. Maremágnum. https://www.academia.edu/39047887/Culto_a_la_piedra_desprecio_a_la_gente_Carta gena_en_tres_escenas
Gil Cepeda, J. E. (2014). El trasfondo de la política del reconocimiento en el caso de la comunidad negra de Villa Gloria de Cartagena. Pontificia Universidad Javeriana.
Hernández-Ospina, M. (2020). Afro Colombian Communities, Conflict, And Collective Land Titling [The State University of New Jersey]. https://rucore.libraries.rutgers.edu/rutgers-lib/65051/PDF/1/play/
Lozano, Y. (2015). Configuración de lo Público desde el horizonte de construcción de políticas sociales fundadas en la interacción Afrodescendiente. Pontificia Universidad Javeriana.
Ulloa, A. (2016). Feminismos territoriales en América Latina: Defensas de la vida frente a los extractivismos. Nómadas, 45, 123–139. https://doi.org/10.30578/nomadas.n45a8
José Mena
Image 1: José Mena, Founder of MiHAoUZ, in the first prototype, image with permission to use by MiHAoUZ
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the
beneficiaries?
Nestled in the heart of Quito, Ecuador, the MiHAoUZ Project isn’t just a concept on paper – it’s a testament to human ingenuity and the pursuit of a better tomorrow. With a vision rooted in creating thriving and self-sustaining communities across Ecuador, this personal initiative goes beyond blueprints and diagrams. It’s about turning dreams into reality through the power of prefabricated constructions that marry efficiency, affordability, and a light ecological footprint.
The project’s journey was fueled by curiosity and a commitment to transformation. Drawing inspiration from the bustling cities of Boston and New York, research was meticulously undertaken to distill concepts that could transcend borders and cultures. The result? A visionary blueprint for transportable, ecological, and replicable homes that could redefine the very essence of housing.
In 2016, the project stepped into the spotlight at the Entrepreneurship Fair of the esteemed San Francisco University (USFQ). Amid a sea of ideas, the MiHAoUZ prototype emerged as the undisputed victor in the Social and Environmental Responsibility category. This recognition was more than just a trophy; it was a testament to the project’s potential to reshape the narrative of responsible architecture.
But MiHAoUZ was not a lone crusader. It stood on the shoulders of local industries that believed in its cause. Cutting-edge materials flowed in from companies like NOVOPAN, KUBIEC, and Edesa, weaving innovation into every fiber of the project’s being. Financial support from INSOTEC breathed life into blueprints, ensuring that the vision was backed by more than just good intentions.
The heartbeat of MiHAoUZ resonated within the walls of the USFQ, where eager students, dedicated professors, and intrigued visitors converged to witness something remarkable. A community came together to see the prototype materialize before their eyes, transcending paper sketches and becoming a tangible testament to what collaboration can achieve. As the pieces fell into place, the structure rose from the ground in a mere day, a testament to efficiency and purpose.
Image 2: Speed Build: Prefabricated Home Assembly in 1 Day – MiHAoUZ Project, images with permission to use by MiHAoUZ.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
The heart and soul of the MiHAoUZ Project, however, lay in its outreach to the marginalized. It was a whisper of promise to rural communities that lacked the luxuries many take for granted – access to energy, sanitation, and dignity. These communities, often overlooked by progress, were the true beneficiaries of this endeavor. Solar panels and biodigesters replaced distant dreams with immediate solutions, channeling sustainable energy and hope into homes that stood as more than just structures.
The MiHAoUZ project proposes a shift away from traditional construction, which can have a significant impact on climate change due to several factors:
- Greenhouse gas emissions: Conventional construction often involves the intensive use of materials that generate large greenhouse gas emissions during their production. For example, the manufacturing of cement, widely used in construction, releases significant amounts of carbon dioxide (CO2) due to the calcination process of calcium carbonate.
- Energy consumption: Traditional construction can also require significant energy consumption during the construction phase and throughout the building’s lifespan. The use of heavy machinery, construction equipment, and inefficient heating, ventilation, and air conditioning systems can increase energy demand and, therefore, greenhouse gas emissions.
- Material waste: Traditional construction often generates a significant amount of material waste during the construction phase, contributing to deforestation, excessive extraction of natural resources, and solid waste generation.
- Loss of biodiversity: Conventional construction can involve the destruction of natural habitats and loss of biodiversity due to urbanization and urban expansion.
These prefab marvels weren’t merely about brick and mortar. They were bridges connecting people to the future they deserved, promising a better quality of life while treading lightly on the Earth. It was a quiet revolution, a way of saying that everyone deserves access to not just the basics, but to a life filled with respect for the environment.
MiHAoUZ wasn’t just about houses; it was about justice – environmental justice. It championed the spirit of innovation and the symphony of collaboration as it etched a path towards a brighter future. By redefining housing as not just a roof, but a promise, it unfurled the banner of change and cast a spotlight on a more equitable Ecuador. It was a beacon, a reminder that the future could be built with intention, compassion, and a deep understanding of what it truly means to uplift communities while treading gently on the Earth.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
In the heart of Ecuador’s rural landscapes, the MiHAoUZ project comes alive with a fervent mission to weave together the fabric of sustainable communities. At its core, this endeavor is more than just a blueprint – it’s a heartfelt journey towards harmonizing humanity with the environment.
The main objectives of the MiHAoUZ project are: (1) creating sustainable communities, (2) reducing environmental impact, (3) promoting replicable solutions.
Imagine walking through the verdant landscapes of Ecuador’s low-income rural areas, where hopes and aspirations are often overshadowed by the lack of affordable and eco-friendly housing. This is where MiHAoUZ steps in, with a resolute determination to craft something extraordinary out of the ordinary. It envisions communities that are not just clusters of houses, but thriving ecosystems where families can flourish.
One of MiHAoUZ’s pillars is its commitment to creating homes that are more than shelter – they’re catalysts for transformation. These homes will stand as living testaments to resilience and innovation. They will harness the power of the sun with solar panels that wink in the daylight, generating clean energy for the community. Waste will turn into wealth as biodigesters transform organic matter into valuable resources, creating a circle of sustainability that mirrors the rhythms of the Earth itself.
The project doesn’t just build structures; it crafts narratives of change, stories of people taking the reins of their own lives. With every nail hammered and every beam laid, the community becomes the author of its own destiny, shaping the physical and social landscapes for generations to come.
But MiHAoUZ doesn’t stop at erecting homes. It’s a movement, a revolutionary dance with the environment. It’s about using prefabricated materials that whisper secrets of efficiency, and innovative building techniques that embrace the future while honoring the past. As hammers meet nails and walls rise to meet the sky, the project pays homage to the Earth by reducing waste and energy consumption, casting a vote for sustainability and climate resilience.
At its heart, MiHAoUZ is a storyteller. It doesn’t just tell one tale; it pens a multitude. It doesn’t just build one home; it lays the foundation for countless more. The project’s beating heart is woven with threads of sustainability, social responsibility, innovation, and collaboration – values that infuse every step, every decision, and every dream.
With each brick laid, the project stands as a tribute to social responsibility. It’s a gesture of solidarity with those whose voices often go unheard – the marginalized, the underserved. MiHAoUZ isn’t just about building structures; it’s about weaving dreams and aspirations into the very fabric of these communities, providing a sanctuary where futures can bloom.
Innovation is the song that MiHAoUZ sings. It’s the tune of possibility, the melody of progress. As new materials and technologies are woven into the architectural tapestry, these homes become living embodiments of creativity and forward thinking. Aesthetic marvels that blend seamlessly with their surroundings, these homes are a testament to the power of human imagination to harmonize with the natural world.
Collaboration is the symphony that propels MiHAoUZ forward. It’s a harmony of minds and hearts, a collective endeavor that embraces the knowledge of local industries, the backing of financial institutions, and the wisdom of academic partners like USFQ. Together, they breathe life into MiHAoUZ, transforming it from a vision into reality.
In the story of MiHAoUZ, the past and the future merge, creating a narrative that transcends time. It’s a tale of sustainable homes rising from the Earth, of communities standing strong against the tides of change, and of a world that becomes a little more just and equitable with every brick laid. As MiHAoUZ turns the page on conventional housing, it pens a chapter of hope, resilience, and transformation – a chapter that will be read and remembered for generations to come.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
Over the course of its journey, the MiHAoUZ Project has woven a tapestry of experiences that breathe life into its aspirations. The initial prototype, a testament to innovation, was painstakingly transported and reassembled on Ilaló Hill not just once, but thrice, underlining the persistence and determination that lie at the heart of this endeavor. From this humble genesis, the project’s scope expanded to encompass diverse locales, each with its own story to tell.
A significant chapter unfurled in the historic city of Ambato, nestled 150 kilometers away from the bustling heart of Quito. Here, the project gained recognition beyond its innovative construction techniques, breathing life into the very essence of the city’s architecture. The mantle of transformation then extended to Tumbaco, a quiet suburb where the construction of two houses mirrored the dreams of countless families seeking sustainable shelter. In this microcosm, the project’s foundations stood as a beacon of hope, embodying the belief that a brighter future could be built one brick at a time.
A symphony of impact echoed through the creation of a school, an amalgamation of nine interconnected buildings in the backdrop of progress. The community’s children embarked on a new chapter, where the structures that housed knowledge were themselves a testament to the harmonious coexistence between human habitats and the environment.
And as the project’s reach stretched even further, the sands of Olón, a tranquil coastal retreat, bore witness to its transformative touch. Here, a house emerged as more than just bricks and mortar; it was a testament to the adaptability of the project to diverse terrains and climates, standing as a sentinel against the tide of conventional construction practices.
Figure 1: Chronicle of Innovation: The Evolution of the MiHAoUZ Project, images with permission to use by MiHAoUZ
Through these unfolding stories, the very tenets of the MiHAoUZ Project were tested, and they stood strong, like the pillars of a bridge connecting innovation and reality. The chapters of this tale, etched in time, resonate with meaning:
- Swift Assembly: The narrative of construction was not one of mere creation, but of rapid transformation. The process proved swift, a reminder that sustainable solutions need not be slow to manifest. Indeed, the project’s very nature whispered to the world that housing solutions could rise like phoenixes from the ashes of traditional methods.
- Journey of Translocation: Prefabricated and poised for mobility, the project danced across landscapes, showing that the promise of sustainable living was not limited by geographical constraints. A story of innovation found its voice in the road less traveled, demonstrating that transformation could traverse borders and boundaries.
- Echoes of Repetition: Each new setting did not merely recount the same tale; it was a canvas on which a familiar story could be painted anew. The project’s replicability, its ability to mold itself to new environments, whispered that sustainability was not a solitary pursuit but a harmonious chorus sung by diverse landscapes.
- Adaptation’s Embrace: The houses, the school, the shelter by the sea — they were not rigid structures but chameleons, adapting to the environment’s every nuance. Here, design bowed before the elements, and comfort stood hand-in-hand with energy efficiency, in a dance that painted a picture of harmony between human habitation and the natural world.
Who are the actors involved? What are their backgrounds?
These experiences, etched on the canvas of time, illuminate the project’s effectiveness in ways mere words cannot capture. The whispers of swift assembly, the tales of translocation, the echoes of repetition, and the embrace of adaptation together form a narrative that attests to the MiHAoUZ Project’s impact. It stands as a living testament to the fusion of sustainability and community, reducing the footprint of the past while laying the foundation for a greener future.
Amidst these pages, the characters who breathe life into this narrative emerge, each with a unique role and story:
- Stewards of the Woods: Industries blessed with forest resources became partners, custodians of materials that would shape the future. Their presence wasn’t just about materials; it was a commitment to sustainable sourcing, a pledge to let innovation be guided by the whispers of the woods.
- Sages of Academia: Professionals and researchers from academia lent more than just their expertise; they brought the wisdom of generations. Armed with qualitative and quantitative knowledge, they wove a tapestry of innovation, each thread a testament to the human mind’s boundless potential.
- Keepers of the Land: Local governments stood as pillars, their support not just regulatory but foundational. They didn’t just provide infrastructure; they nurtured the seeds of change, ensuring the project blossomed within the embrace of local aspirations.
- Soul of Communities: Communities, the heartbeat of the project, didn’t merely receive; they actively participated. They weren’t passive recipients but active creators, their insights the ink that penned the story. In their hands, the project was more than just bricks; it was a chance to shape their own destiny.
By bringing together industries with forest assets, professionals from academia, local governments, and communities, the MiHAoUZ project creates a collaborative and multi-stakeholder approach. Each actor contributes their unique background and expertise, ensuring the project’s success in delivering sustainable and environmentally friendly housing solutions to low-income rural communities.
Thus, the MiHAoUZ Project isn’t a mere abstract concept; it’s a living tapestry woven by a cast as diverse as the colors of nature. It’s a tale that captures the human spirit’s capacity to bridge dreams and reality, to create harmony between innovation and the world we call home.
Figure 2: Harmonizing Rural-Urban Ecology: A Holistic System Approach, figure with permission to use by MiHAoUZ
Which limits does it encounter?
MiHAoUZ is a project driven by a noble mission to uplift rural communities through sustainable housing solutions. However, like any entrepreneurship, it faces a range of real-world challenges that require more than just a conceptual approach. Let’s delve into the project’s challenges and potential hurdles with more depth, recognizing the human factors at play:
- Legal Framework: Navigating the Maze of Ownership: Behind the legal terminology lies the human struggle for a place to call home. Many individuals in these communities lack the formal titles that grant them ownership of the land they occupy. For these families, the absence of these documents isn’t just a bureaucratic hurdle – it’s a stark reminder of their vulnerability and lack of security. Picture families whose generations have lived on this land without recognition, now facing the daunting task of proving their right to their homes. Addressing this challenge requires not only legal reforms but also empathy for the lived experiences of these families.
- Financing: Dreams Held Back by Financial Realities: The financial barrier isn’t just about numbers and eligibility criteria; it’s about the aspirations of individuals who want to provide better lives for their loved ones. Imagine the frustration of a parent who dreams of giving their children a safer and more comfortable space but can’t access the necessary resources. It’s about dignity and the right to improve one’s circumstances. This challenge can be better understood by realizing that aspirations aren’t limited to a few, but are shared by every human heart. The project’s success hinges on finding inclusive financing mechanisms that respect these dreams.
- Corruption and Bureaucracy: Navigating Complex Realities: Corruption and bureaucracy might sound like abstract concepts, but they have very real consequences for the project and the people it aims to help. Consider the project team and community members who have to endure endless delays and unexpected expenses due to red tape or unethical practices. The frustration they feel is palpable, and their determination to make a change despite these challenges is equally real. The fight against corruption isn’t just about project efficiency; it’s about defending the integrity of the project’s purpose against systemic obstacles.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
In this journey to make a difference, there are people behind every challenge:
- Engaging Skepticism: Faces Behind the Doubt: When we talk about skepticism or resistance, we’re really talking about the individuals who fear change or are uncertain about something new. These individuals might have seen failed initiatives before or may be wary of change disrupting their way of life. To overcome this, the project needs to engage in conversations that respect their concerns. It means listening and understanding their fears, and then gently guiding them towards the project’s vision. It’s a delicate dance between preserving tradition and embracing innovation.
- Facing Infrastructure Hurdles: Realities of Remote Communities: Logistical challenges sound technical, but they impact people’s lives in direct ways. Imagine the excitement of a community expecting their new homes, only to face delays because the components can’t reach them due to poor roads or inadequate transportation. It’s a disappointment that goes beyond material concerns; it’s about the hope that was deferred. Overcoming this requires more than just good planning; it requires recognizing the value of promises kept.
- Community Integration: Building More than Structures: Integrating the new housing units into existing communities isn’t just about architecture; it’s about bridging the gap between different ways of life. Picture the moments of tension when new and old residents interact, possibly due to cultural differences or misunderstandings. Building a structure is one thing; building a sense of belonging and unity is another. The project’s success depends on fostering these connections and understanding the intricacies of human interactions.
- The Road to Scalability: Balancing Dreams and Resources: Scaling up a project is often talked about in terms of strategy, but it’s also a matter of juggling hopes and limitations. Think of the project team that dreams of reaching more communities but has to grapple with resource constraints and logistical complexities. The endeavor isn’t just about growth; it’s about making tough decisions that honor the initial mission while being practical about execution. It’s a journey of realizing what’s possible while staying true to the project’s essence.
- In Conclusion: A Journey of Humanity and Hope: Behind every challenge and limitation of the MiHAoUZ project are individuals – families, project teams, communities – whose lives and aspirations are deeply intertwined with its success. Addressing these challenges means not just solving technical issues, but recognizing the human stories that lie beneath. It’s about acknowledging the struggles, hopes, and dreams that make this project more than just a prototype – it’s a testament to the resilience of communities and the power of collective effort.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
The MiHAoUZ project is more than just a blueprint; it’s a living example of adaptable and sustainable housing that resonates with the real world. Here’s a deeper look at how its replicability is firmly grounded in practicality and human engagement:
Crafting Homes with a Human Touch: The heart of the MiHAoUZ project beats with the concept of adaptable design. Think of it as a puzzle that clicks together to form a cozy, modern home. The beauty is that this puzzle can be assembled in various corners of the world, addressing unique needs and cultures. Each modular piece is like a brushstroke in a masterpiece painting, with local materials and techniques adding vibrant shades to the canvas. The project’s genius lies in being able to embrace the landscape, climate, and the people who’ll inhabit these homes.
Sustainability that Sings: The MiHAoUZ project is not a sterile prototype, but a testament to sustainable living. It’s a whisper to the environment, a promise to minimize the carbon footprint. Wood and renewable resources are the orchestra, playing harmoniously with solar panels and biodigesters. As the sun kisses the solar panels, and waste transforms into energy, it’s more than a home; it’s a symphony of ecological harmony. This harmony can be the anthem for other communities, echoing through homes built with respect for the planet.
Communities Building Communities: Imagine a village coming together to build its future. The MiHAoUZ project is more than construction; it’s a collective endeavor. It’s a celebration of culture and identity, with local communities adding the brushstrokes to the canvas. The very process of building these homes cultivates a spirit of collaboration. From young hands passing tools to elders sharing wisdom, the MiHAoUZ project isn’t just about erecting walls; it’s about nurturing bonds and shared dreams.
Redefining Shelter: When winds howl and earth trembles, MiHAoUZ houses stand firm – not as mere structures, but as shields of resilience. These homes are woven from threads of preparedness. With their roots in sustainable building practices, they empower communities to face nature’s fury with courage. It’s more than shelter; it’s security. And this security ripples through the community, encouraging the preparedness that safeguards lives and dreams.
From Local to Global: MiHAoUZ doesn’t just build houses; it constructs a better world, brick by brick. Its impact extends beyond four walls – it’s about the systems that govern our lives. As policy makers witness the triumphs of the project, they’re nudged towards a fresh perspective. Regulations and incentives blossom, nurturing eco-friendly practices. The MiHAoUZ initiative serves as a storyteller, spinning narratives of change that inspire broader shifts in the way we build and live.
Empowering Tomorrow: MiHAoUZ empowers communities by giving them more than a home; it gives them agency. It’s a catalyst for change – not just in architecture, but in how we perceive the power of community. As the MiHAoUZ project spreads its wings, the lessons learned become a compass for others to navigate their own journeys. It’s a ripple that extends far beyond construction, carrying the spirit of sustainability, resilience, and empowerment to new horizons.
In Conclusion: The MiHAoUZ project isn’t just about replicating structures; it’s about replicating ideas, dreams, and hope. It’s about embracing the pulse of a community, the heartbeat of a planet, and weaving them together into a tapestry of sustainable living. From modular components to resilient communities, from local adaptations to global shifts – the MiHAoUZ initiative is an anthem for a more sustainable, inclusive, and resilient world.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes?
Yes, the MiHAoUZ initiative has the potential to contribute to broader changes in various areas, fostering long-term sustainability, community preparedness, and influencing institutional arrangements. Here are some ways in which the project can facilitate broader changes:
Legal and institutional frameworks: The success and impact of the MiHAoUZ project can highlight the need for updating or creating supportive legal and institutional frameworks. It can demonstrate the effectiveness of sustainable construction practices and encourage policymakers to develop regulations and incentives that promote eco-friendly and resilient building methods.
Community preparedness: By implementing sustainable and resilient housing solutions, the MiHAoUZ project can enhance community preparedness for natural disasters, such as earthquakes or extreme weather events. The project’s focus on safe and adaptable housing can encourage communities to prioritize disaster preparedness, fostering a culture of resilience and proactive measures to mitigate risks.
Long-term sustainability: The MiHAoUZ project’s emphasis on sustainable materials, energy efficiency, and low-carbon design aligns with the goals of long-term sustainability. By showcasing the benefits and feasibility of sustainable construction practices, the initiative can contribute to a shift towards more environmentally conscious building methods in the construction industry.
Community empowerment: Through its participatory approach, the MiHAoUZ project empowers communities by involving them in the decision-making process and providing them with sustainable housing solutions. This empowerment can extend beyond housing, encouraging communities to actively engage in other aspects of sustainability, such as resource management, renewable energy adoption, and social cohesion.
Knowledge dissemination and replication: The MiHAoUZ project can serve as a valuable case study and knowledge hub for sustainable construction practices. By sharing their experiences, best practices, and lessons learned, the project can inspire and inform other initiatives, leading to a wider adoption of sustainable building methods and contributing to broader changes in the construction sector.
Overall, the MiHAoUZ initiative has the potential to catalyze broader changes in law, institutional arrangements, long-term sustainability practices, community preparedness, and community empowerment. By showcasing the benefits of sustainable and resilient housing, the project can contribute to a more sustainable and resilient future in both local and global contexts.
References
Earth Overshoot Day home – #MoveTheDate. (n.d.). Retrieved August 21, 2023, from https://www.overshootday.org/
Español — IPCC. (n.d.). Retrieved August 21, 2023, from https://www.ipcc.ch/languages-2/spanish/
Este proyecto crea vivienda inteligente y transportable | Revista Líderes. (n.d.). Retrieved August 21, 2023, from https://www.revistalideres.ec/lideres/proyecto-vivienda-inteligente-transportable-desarollo.html
Post Occupancy Evaluations | WBDG – Whole Building Design Guide. (n.d.). Retrieved August 21, 2023, from https://www.wbdg.org/resources/post-occupancy-evaluations
By Anna Torres Mallma
Where is this city-initiated initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
Pantanos de Villa Wetlands is located in Los Cedros de Villa neighborhood in the Chorrillos district, in Lima, Perú.
The promoting agent of this initiative is the Municipal Authority of the Pantanos de Villa – Prohvilla. It is a decentralized public office of the Metropolitan Municipality of Lima, with legal status and administrative, economic, and technical autonomy, in charge of the management and administration of the Pantanos de Villa wetlands.
The beneficiaries are the animal species (aquatic birds, reptiles, amphibians, fish, and small mammals) and aquatic plants (totora and junco) of the Pantanos de Villa. Other beneficiaries are the residential neighborhoods located closer to the wetlands.
Image to the left; Panoramic view of the Pantanos de Villa wetlands by the author. Image to the right: Current extension of the Pantanos de Villa wetlands by the author
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both, or other dimensions of climate change?
The cleaning campaign of solid waste that takes place in the water canals that feed the lakes of the Pantanos de Villa wetlands is crucial in the adaptation of climate change. The main goal is to recollect the disposal of construction and demolition waste; and to recycle solid waste located in the borders of the canals. These walks around the canals allow Prohvilla staff and the volunteers to monitor the quantity of garbage around the wetlands, to guard water quality, and to teach good practices in the neighbors routines that benefit the preservation of the wetlands. It is a way of restoring fragile coastal ecosystems and thus maintaining the functionality of the landscape and reducing risks from the effects of climate change using community participation through practical solutions.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
The general objective of Prohvilla is to initiate “a knowledge, attitude, and practice (KAP) process” so that citizens, companies, and institutions complete actions in favor of the conservation and rational use of the Pantanos de Villa wetlands. For this, they focus on “executing projects and campaigns aimed at various sectors of society to increase awareness, appreciation, and understanding of the ecosystem services offered by the wetlands (CECoP: Objective 6) and promoting responsible citizen participation in the Management of Los Pantanos de Villa. (CECoP: Objective 05)”. According to the annual report published in 2019 by Prohvilla, the ecosystems services identified are: “(i) Of supply or provision, are the fibers such as the junco and the totora, as well as some species that are being evaluated for their value nutritional. (ii) Regulation, there is air regulation, water regulation, bioremediation, tsunami barrier, and temperature regulation. (iii) Supportive or support, it becomes an important genetic storage center for the conservation of its biodiversity, being a habitat of 210 species of birds between migratory and resident, 47 species of flora, 13 species of fish, 08 mammals, 53 from aquatic insects and 55 from arachnid species. Finally, (iv) Of culture, which allows you to enjoy the scenic beauty, as a means of healing, a sense of identity and belonging, source of healing, education and for ecotourism”.
In this sense, campaigns/projects are focused on the residents of the area. The aims are: (1) to contribute to the conservation and care of the bodies of water that feed the Pantanos de Villa wetlands (divided into four sectors: Horticultores, Ganaderos, Vista Alegre, and Villa Baja); (2) to raise awareness of social actors in the immediate environment about the care of bodies of water and support their vigilance by promoting a good environmental practices (care of canals, knowledge of biodiversity and environmental threats and regulations); (3) and reduce the negative impacts on the water bodies of the Pantanos de Villa wetlands with to strengthen its identity with the natural space such as the canals, the beach/nesting area, etc.). The call for volunteers to participate in the cleaning campaigns value the service of the participants and their collaboration with tasks of collecting and sorting waste. Finally, their participation is recognized and documented with a certificate signed from Prohvilla.
What is the timeline?
The cleaning campaigns are part of the Communication, Education, Awareness and Participation Program of the Pantanos de Villa Municipal Authority (CECoP PROHVILLA) and are valid for five years, so the proposed period is from 2020 to 2024. The project is executed leaving a month between calls.
Are there already visible effects?
The cleaning projects allow us to observe two sides of a coin simultaneously. A positive effect is this: thanks to the training sessions before the cleaning tasks, the volunteers become more aware of the preservation of these canals. The residents involved have deeper knowledge about what type of waste affects the canals. Another positive effect is that it fosters a sense of belonging to the place at the individual and community levels. Moreover, these activities contribute to the formation of the resident’s identity. Although these areas of intervention are considered boundaries between neighborhoods, it allows volunteers to feel part of a community far beyond their district boundaries. In this direction, the cleaning tasks of these areas allow for improving the urban image and the quality of life, inviting the residents involved to create policies of care towards public spaces such as the streets or pedestrian passages that border the canals.
On the other side of the coin, we find that, by taking out the canals of waste, unscrupulous people who are not residents have more free spaces to deposit more garbage; for example, residents claim that taxi units park nearby and leave any kind of garbage. Moreover, some trucks move construction waste and find in these areas the right place to leave their “cargo” illegally. Surveillance systems must be even more rigorous to prevent this type of criminal action against environmental health.
Image 3: View of the Premio Real canal by the author
Who are the actors involved? What are their backgrounds?
The first call is for the residents who live in the Special Regulation Zone (nearby areas) that involves neighbors from the districts of Villa El Salvador, San Juan de Miraflores, Santiago de Surco, and Chorrillos. Next, educational institutions and companies which are closer to the Pantanos de Villa wetlands are also invited to participate. Other groups of participants are members of the Peruvian army and public cleaning staff from the municipalities involved. Prohvilla employees (from the director to the tour agents) participate in this campaign, showing an example of commitment to ecology and the environment. All ages are invited. Thanks to social platforms, the call is extended to any citizen who wants to collaborate with the project. There is a group on the Facebook Platform where they receive all the information to participate. The last call involved approximately two hundred sixty participants.
Which limits (institutional, physical, social, etc.) does it encounter?
Cleaning projects cannot be extended to other neighboring areas, such as those bordering the beach. For instance, every time dead birds appear on the beach adjacent to the wetlands, Prohvilla recommends avoiding this area for visitor circulation, since the cause of death of these animals is unknown. However, the responsible institution must react immediately to the removal of the birds’ bodies, so residents are able to intervene in this area and clean it.
One aspect that draws attention is that, during the collection of waste from the canals in the four sectors, the volunteers have come to find scattered human remains, which causes fear among the volunteers and indicates a high level of insecurity in which they are located: residents and the Pantanos wetlands are vulnerable too. Another limitation is that these areas do not have public lighting, so it is difficult to extend the shift during the day. For this reason, the shift starts at 8 am.
Image 4: Volunteers working during their morning shifts by the author.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
What is critical is the amount of waste that is removed from the intervention areas. The tonnage of waste does not disappear. In the last project completed on May 27th, 2023, 2556.51 kg were collected between general waste, non-usable waste, and wet and dry undergrowth. This scenario shows that some sectors are in a more critical situation than others, as was the case of the Ganaderos sector. If it weren’t for these cleanup campaigns, these areas would be considered big dumpsters for both residents, and wetlands. In these vulnerable areas, more rigorous surveillance systems are required to penalize polluting actors on behalf of Prohvilla, with the support of neighboring companies and/or neighborhood associations. A 24-hour surveillance station with cameras will be useful, but it is understood it requires a considerable budget.
The canal area does not have an infrastructure that favors improving the state of protection and facilitating cleaning and maintenance tasks. For example, having lintels prevent flooding due to obstruction of waste or curbs to control invasive vegetation and facilitate gardening work, and low retaining walls that prevent landslides into the canals. Once again, it is understood that these interventions correspond to the implementation of public ornament projects executed by the district municipalities that do not take an initiative.
The calls for campaigns are not often because it does not attract many volunteers. Prohvilla needs more time to call for more volunteers to gather again. The last call brought together 260 volunteers to cover the four sectors. The use of machinery would be helpful for these tasks but the cost is not considered in the current budget of Prohvilla.
These routines of maintenance of the canals will recover the ecosystem services of the Pantanos de Villa and preserve the connection with the natural landscape in a chaotic urban environment.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
The citizen participation through cleaning tasks can be applied in other vulnerable natural areas where the problem of contamination by waste is alarming. Despite having the streets cleaned by the municipalities, it is important to identify the most critical areas within the natural reserves (which are generally the borders/edges) and consider organizing cleaning brigades under legal and regulatory protection in their functions.
The example of the volunteers and their determination to do these tasks in the best way show that it is possible to invite citizens who care about natural areas collectively, seeking funds for the execution of future projects that complement cleanup campaigns, such as: “signposting, revegetation, monitoring and surveillance, and dissemination of awareness” proposed by Prohvilla.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements, long-term sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)?
If we do not know the value of urban ecosystems for the city, we cannot demand to care for them. That is why awareness about the borders and areas adjacent to natural areas is the first step for the resident to connect with this space full of wildlife. Second, the current limitations reflect the fact that in order to succeed the municipalities involved in the project need specific regulations that can control the social dynamics on the edges of the Pantanos de Villa wetlands. Two fields in which new regulations should be implemented are the regularization of land use and the circulation of public and heavy transport. As happened in the past when the wetlands lost 80% of their surface (from 1,530 hectares to 263.7 hectares) due to “taking lightly” the impact of land uses that did not consider the life of other species in the wetlands.
By prioritizing its conservation, citizens are invited to eradicate all practices of speciesism that prevent us from respecting and valuing the lives of other species. Therefore, we must consider these other non-human lives (aquatic birds, reptiles, amphibians, fishes, small mammals, and aquatic plants) also deserve a place to live in balance with human society and that in the end, this coexistence allows the wetlands to be one more “living” example for the city. As long as this cleaning campaign continues, Prohvilla will be raising awareness and setting an example to future generations of the care and value of other lives that also matter to the planet. Thanks for teaching us how to take care of our communal home.
Image 5: Aquatic birds resting in the lake Marvilla wetlands by the author
References
Almanza, F. (2021). a naturaleza a merced del progreso: los Pantanos de Villa y las amenaza que representa la urbanización en el área protegida [Review of a naturaleza a merced del progreso: los Pantanos de Villa y las amenaza que representa la urbanización en el área protegida]. Conexión Ambienta; https://conexionambiental.pe/la-naturaleza-a-merced-del-progreso-los-pantanos-de-villa-y-las-amenaza-que-representa-la-urbanizacion-en-el-area-protegida/
Castañeda Lossio, L. (2005, September 22). Ordenanza N° 838 [Review of Ordenanza N° 838]. http://pantanosdevilla.pe/admin/archivospdf/ordenanza%20838.pdf
Córdova Rocca, M. T. (2023, July 3). Participación ciudadana (S. Torres Mallma & A. Torres Mallma, Interviewers) [Review of Participación ciudadana].
via zoom
Peruano, E. (n.d.). VIDA. PANTANOS DE VILLA, ÚLTIMA RESERVA DE LIMA Paraíso ecológico. https://old.sernanp.gob.pe/sernanp/archivos/imagenes/2014/notas/enero/especial%20pantanos%20de%20villa.pdf
Prohvilla. (2019). Memorial Anual. https://pantanosdevilla.pe/transparencia/Memorias/PROHVILLA-Memoria-anual-2019.pdf
(2022, August). Plan de Comunicación, Educación, Concienciación y Participación pública, de la Autoridad Municipal de los Pantanos de Villa (CECoP) [Review of Plan de Comunicación, Educación, Concienciación y Participación pública, de la Autoridad Municipal de los Pantanos de Villa ]. http://pantanosdevilla.pe/admin/archivospdf/documentos_gestion/Plan-Comunicacion-Educacion-concienciacion-Participacion-2020-2024.pdf
Sovero Delgado, C. (2019, November 9). Pantanos de Villa: un refugio verde amenazado por toneladas de basura [Review of Pantanos de Villa: un refugio verde amenazado por toneladas de basura]. El Comercio. https://elcomercio.pe/lima/sucesos/pantanos-de-villa-un-refugio-verde-amenazado-por-toneladas-de-basura-noticia/
By Clara Saglietti
Picture 1: Ta Tillbaka Framtiden youth climate movement. (Image with permission to use from Ta Tillbaka Framtiden, 2023)
Ta Tillbaka Framtiden – “Reclaim the Future” in English – is a new Swedish climate movement and radical community for young people, who “aim to be the change and claim back the future taken away by the environmental and social emergency” (Informant 1, personal communication, May 15, 2023). With such a proactive stance, this approach shows that the future of societies and nature is radically open and up for grabs (Swyngedouw, 2013).
Since April 2023, the movement has taken peaceful direct action against the fossil fuel industry. It started with a 2-week blockade of the oil terminal in Gothenburg’s harbour to obstruct fossil fuel transport (De Rosa, 2022; Hansson, 2023; Kardell, 2023; Mattsson, 2023; Persson, 2023). This has been followed by other actions, like a similar blockade of the oil harbour in Malmö in June, which was joined by many young activists including Greta Thunberg (Henley, 2023; Rannard, 2023).
In addition to these acts of civil disobedience, the group is creating an inclusive and growing community that organises meetings and fun activities to envision a different future, redistribute power, and build the desired future world without waiting for others to take responsibility. As some of the founders said, the movement fights again the two main problems affecting the lives of youth today, climate change and individualism, but also “organises to create alternatives based on the most beautiful parts of existing and being together in a hopeful and joyful way” (Informant 2, personal communication, May 16, 2023).
Picture 2: The second action of Ta Tillbaka Framtiden, blocking the oil terminal of Malmö in June 2023. (Image with permission to use from Ta Tillbaka Framtiden, 2023)
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the
beneficiaries?
So far, there are three main local groups in Gothenburg, Malmö, Stockholm and Umeå, with other members spread out across the country. The founders describe it as “a movement for young people, by young people” (Informant 3, personal communication, May 16, 2023). The community members are between 12 and 30 years old with different levels of experience in climate activism, and they came together in Autumn 2022. The focus is on empowering the current young generations and the movement is rooted in a Swedish cultural context, but the organisers have a broader holistic take on activism. They aim also to bring about change and transition to a sustainable and just society for future generations and for all those who are affected by the socio-ecological crises.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation,
adaptation, both, or other dimensions of climate change?
Ta Tillbaka Framtiden engages with the climate by opposing the fossil fuel industry, “the largest contributor to climate change and perpetrator of today’s injustices” (Informant 2, personal communication, May 16, 2023), and by addressing the social consequences of climate change through the creation of a space for young people to deal with the crises and the feelings it brings with it. The movement tackles mainly mitigation, by trying to dismantle the fossil fuel industry. The members are very clear on the fact that “fossil fuels cannot co-exist with the idea of a future – it is either us or them” (Informant 2, personal communication, May 16, 2023). They want to take measures so that the climate crisis doesn’t get worse.
Furthermore, the movement has recognized that “no is not enough” (Dawson et al., 2022, p.11). Since the effects of climate change are already happening and affecting many people, they are working with society and building resilient communities to promote adaptation, while addressing other societal inequalities and injustices. As they say, “even if in a thought experiment we would not have climate change, we would still like to work on the many social problems of today” (Informant 2, personal communication, May 16, 2023), by creating a more resilient and supportive community.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
Beyond the focus on the two pillars of (1) taking action against the fossil industry and (2) creating a community for young people in an individualised society, the movement has clear values and objectives articulated in Ta Tillbaka Framtiden’s vision. The following nine points from the movement’s vision document reflect what the members are working towards and how they behave in the community.
- “Hopeful future: We want to live in a society that acts powerfully to deal with the climate crisis and fight injustice. In our movement, we take matters into our own hands to create the future we’re hoping for.
- Connection between humans and nature: We want to live in a society that respects the planetary boundaries and is organized in a way that creates prosperous ecosystems. In our movement, we understand that humans belong to and depend on nature.
- Real justice: We want to live in a society that does away with the structural injustices that characterize our culture. In our movement, we highlight unheard perspectives and oppose oppression within and outside the movement.
- Well-being over profit: We want to live in a society that prioritizes human well-being over economic profit. In our movement, we take people’s different needs into account and strive for an equal community.
- Community first: We want to live in a society where people help and care for each other. In our movement, we break free from individualism and loneliness.
- Long-term perspective: We want to live in a society that is planned based on a long-term perspective to protect future generations. In our movement, we make decisions taking into account the consequences of these in both the short and long term.
- Meaningful existence: We want to live in a society where work is meaningful and does not wear out our bodies and minds. In our movement, we value activities other than work and make our work situations joyful and satisfying.
- Caring coexistence: We want to live in a society where we are allowed to express our feelings and our vulnerability. In our movement, we create a culture where we respect and meet each other’s emotional needs.
- Learning through exchanges: We want to live in a society where knowledge and opinions is created in an exchange between people from different backgrounds. In our movement, we listen to perspectives other than our own and are open to the responses we receive.” (Ta Tillbaka Framtiden, 2023).
Pictures 3 and 4: The two pillars of the movement: (1) direct action against the fossil fuel industry in April 2023, Gothenburg, and (2) the creation of an inclusive community for the youth. (Image with permission to use from Ta Tillbaka Framtiden, 2023)
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
The timeframe is not decided a priori as Ta Tillbaka Framtiden is still exploring, expanding, and evolving, but it has a long-term perspective and orientation. The movement was created from the realisation that it was time to shape something innovative, needed, and interesting for young people to start broader and deeper shifts in the long run regarding how communities are built and organised. The group is still in its starting phase of bringing in more people, getting organised, and strategizing about campaigns that will have strong impacts. According to the organisers, the fact that an increasing number of people is joining Ta Tillbaka Framtiden shows that movement speaks to the youth’s needs, that it offers an attractive and hopeful alternative, and that the community-building strategy is successful. Furthermore, the members report a shared sense of satisfaction and happiness for being part of a community that is so supportive, dares to dream, and tries to bring those dreams to life. According to them, “there are already visible effects on the lives of the people involved in the movement, but visible and measurable aren’t the same thing” (Informant 1, personal communication, May 15, 2023). They think that there are a lot of impacts which will be hard to clearly point at, for example in the reactions to the actions, or in how people change mindsets. The members expect more visible effects in relation to the disturbance caused to the fossil fuel industry as results of the non-violent direct actions against it and the upcoming campaigns.
Which limits and shortcomings does it encounter?
Although the founders think that they are doing well in building the organizing structure and getting people involved in the movement and in actions, they mostly struggle with the same problems they are trying to address. Namely, in the society they aim to transform, people are often too busy with work to meet their economic needs or isolated and struggle to get involved in activism. They claim that “this is especially difficult when trying to recruit young people in Sweden, since we’ve been raised in a hyper-individualistic society in a hyper-individualistic country, but in the long-term we believe that we’re addressing these issues in a way that will attract other young people” (Informant 3, personal communication, May 16, 2023). Moreover, as typical of movements in an early stage, they have experienced that finding funding for civil disobedience is challenging and they are working on it. A generally positive attitude prevails as these limits are not perceived as insurmountable and there is ongoing work on adjustments and improvements to address the movement’s shortcomings. They say that they are working every day on small things that can be done better, for example improving communication within each local group, between groups, as well as outside of the movement.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
Ta Tillbaka Framtiden wants to scale the movement in Sweden and mass mobilise, but they want to keep pace with building a solid structure and social fabric, growing the community in a potentially slow but stable way. If this initial phase is successful and can inspire others, some ideas can be taken to another context and help other movements, but that is not a goal for Ta Tillbaka Framtiden. Exchanges can be enriching as they are aware that there are other groups with similar ideas and that there are many common themes in the global climate youth movement, such as connecting the climate crisis to social issues, and focusing on well-being and inclusion within social movements. They don’t see problematic aspects with scaling internationally some of their unique approaches, and they think that it may be possible to replicate some aspects of the movement. However, they hypothesise that “it needs to be done in a way that it is not just copy-paste, since the movement was formed in a Swedish context to address specific problems (…) and the answers to the biggest questions addressed may vary a lot also within Sweden too” (Informant 3, personal communication, May 16, 2023). Knowing that young people from other backgrounds have different viewpoints and priorities about the socio-ecological crises, they want to work on involving different types of people, especially less privileged groups, and creating more dialogues at the local level. It is from particular historical-geographical configurations and not universal approaches that a radical politics of transformation can be thought and put into practice (Swyngedouw, 2013).
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements,
long-term sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)? If yes, which?
Although it is at an initial stage, Ta Tillbaka Framtiden holds a lot of potential to lead to deep changes in society. The founders say that “you never know what will be the spark that turns into a big fire” (Informant 1, personal communication, May 15, 2023) but they think to be “onto something quite huge, especially with the community aspect of the movement, which has opened doors to think differently for those involved and set them up to be about big changes as well” (Informant 1, personal communication, May 15, 2023). Moreover, the flexible structure of the movement has potential to allow activists to try different things, adapt and change, using the creativity of the community.
They are also experiencing something extremely positive and rewarding with the commitment and satisfaction of the community. Differently from many other 1-week actions where people are mentally and physically tired at the end, “the action in Gothenburg was even longer but people seemed to have more energy afterwards and were really happy” (Informant 3, personal communication, May 16, 2023). They think that there is something revolutionary in a movement that employs quite radical strategies through “big and long-lasting actions way out of the norm and people comfort zone but still providing a really nice community to fall on to support each other” (Informant 1, personal communication, May 15, 2023). In this way, Ta Tillbaka Framtiden is organising to bring about change in a sustainable and resilient way.
When exploring how the transition to a sustainable society will look like, the organisers reply that they want first to dismantle the fossil fuel industry and shut it down. However, they have not talked a lot about alternatives and desirable futures yet, since it is something to decide with the emerging community. They are “focused not on specific technological solutions, but on visions and ideology to work towards a cultural shift” (Informant 2, personal communication, May 16, 2023). The movement encourages young people to engage with hopeful visions in a time of disillusionment and includes the participants in the production of new ideas rather than presenting them with ready-made alternatives. Therefore, the case of Ta Tillbaka Framtiden, among other examples of urban climate insurgency, show that climate policy is no longer the exclusive province of national governments, international bodies, or experts (Dawson et al., 2022), but that also citizens can take the future in their hands and collectively shape it.
Pictures 5: Seeds of municipalism in spaces for dialogue and fun activities during the community meetings. (Image with permission to use from Ta Tillbaka Framtiden, 2023)
References
Dawson, A., Armiero, M., Turhan, E., & Biasillo, R. (2022). Urban Climate Insurgency: An Introduction. Social Text, 40(1), 1-20.
De Rosa, S. P. (2022). Breaking Consensus, Transforming Metabolisms: Notes on Direct Action against Fossil Fuels through Urban Political Ecology. Social Text, 40(1), 135-155.
Hansson, E. (11/04/2023). Ny ungdomsrörelse blockerar fossilbränsletransporter: För andra veckan i rad blockerar ungdomar i rörelsen “Ta tillbaka framtiden” fossiltransporter. (New youth movement blocks fossil fuel transport: For the second week in a row, young people in the “Take back the future” movement block fossil transport). Natursidan. https://www.natursidan.se/nyheter/ny-ungdomsrorelse-blockerar-fossilbransletransporter/
Henley, J. (6/07/2023). Greta Thunberg charged with disobeying Swedish police during oil protest. The Guardian.
Kardell E. J. (11/04/2023). Manifestation stoppade trafiken i Göteborgs hamn. (Demonstration stopped traffic in the Port of Gothenburg). Göteborgs-Posten. https://www.gp.se/nyheter/göteborg/manifestation-stoppade-trafiken-i-göteborgs-hamn-1.96334799
Mattsson, T. (11/04/2023). Klimataktivister blockerade infart till Göteborgs hamn för sjätte dagen. (Climate activists blocked the entrance to the Port of Gothenburg for the sixth day). Sverigeradio. https://sverigesradio.se/artikel/klimataktivister-blockerar-infart-till-goteborgs-hamn-for-sjatte-dagen
Persson, F. (11/04/2023). Nio aktivister bortburna i Göteborgs hamn – misstänks för brott Göteborg: Nio demonstranter har burits bort från en infart till Göteborgs hamn, efter att ha blockerat trafiken. De misstänks nu för brott. (Nine activists carried away in the Port of Gothenburg – suspected of crimes Gothenburg: Nine protesters have been carried away from an entrance to the Port of Gothenburg, after blocking traffic. They are now suspected of crimes). Göteborgs-Posten. https://www.gp.se/nyheter/göteborg/nio-aktivister-bortburna-i-göteborgs-hamn-misstänks-för-brott-1.96737575
Rannard, G. (6/07/2023). Sweden charges Greta Thunberg for blockading oil port. BBC.
https://www.bbc.com/news/science-environment-66120290
Swyngedouw, E. (2013). Apocalypse now! Fear and doomsday pleasures. Capitalism Nature Socialism, 24(1), 9-18.
Ta Tillbaka Framtiden, 2023. Vision. Internal document: unpublished.
Powerlessness and Empowerment in the Struggle for Lützerath.
By Achim Klüppelberg
On 14 January 2023, the international climate movement met at the lignite open pit coal mine Garzweiler II in Western Germany to protest the continuous mining business of the corporation Rheinisch-Westfälisches Elektrizitätswerk, better known as RWE. The culmination of protests took place at the village of Lützerath, which was occupied for about two years to prevent RWE’s large digging machine from destroying its houses to get the coal underground. On that day, between 30 and 39,000 people travelled to the pit known as “Mordor” – an huge moon-like desert, with coal power plants blowing their climate-destroying fumes into the air, clearly visible at the horizon.
1: Rheinisches Braunkohlerevier made by Thomas Römer with Open Street Map data. CC BY-SA 2.0.
The protesters came as individuals or grouped together in different political organisations. Among those were official parties, such as for example the Green Party, large environmental non-governmental organisations, such as Greenpeace, BUND, NAJU, NABU, campact, Fridays for Future, Students, Parents and Scientists for Future, civil society alliances such as Wald statt Asphalt, Alle Dörfer bleiben!, Lützerath lebt!, Klimaallianz Deutschlandand ADAC, queer and LGBT groups, the Christian group Die Kirche(n) im Dorf lassen, hippies, as well as left-wing initiatives from anarchists to occupiers (Kim (first name) 2023; Marlon (pseudonym) 2023; Micah (pseudonym) 2023; Maxi (pseudonym) 2023; Fabian Pieper (full name) 2023).[1] International guests also came to the event. Prominently, Swedish climate activist Greta Thunberg gave a speech. All of these groups came together around the goal of defending Lützerath against RWE to keep the coal in the ground, protect local villages, and to ensure that Germany would stay committed to her 1.5 °C-climate goal as agreed upon in the Paris climate agreement. If all the coal beneath Lützerath would have been used in thermal power plants, Germany would have failed her climate commitments. Crucial in this regard were climate tipping points, which if overstepped would spiral the situation out of control (Micah 2023). For activists, the village represented the physical 1.5°C-limit: if it were to fall, so would the climate goals (Maxi 2023). Apart from this tangible aim, left-wing groups also wanted to create an alternative society in Lützerath, as had been practised in other squats for example at the protests at the Hambach Forest (“Hambi”), the Dannenröder Forest (“Danni”), and others (Marlon 2023; Maxi 2023).
If this effort would have been successful, the beneficiaries could have been found on the local, regional, federal, and European level. For the locals, the survival of their homes and their used way-of-life was at stake. For the region, the proposed stop of lignite mining at Garzweiler could have had direct positive impact on groundwater levels, pollution, loss of ecosystems, biodiversity, and agriculture. For Germany, the future of the so-called Energiewende was on the line. In Europe, Garzweiler was and is one of the largest lignite mines and thus one of the biggest sources of CO2-emissions in the energy sector. By stopping its exploitation, the overall greenhouse gas emission balance of the continent could have been reduced.
Feeling the need to become active and protest the injustice of climate destruction, I travelled to Lützerath and participated in the protests on 14 January 2023. In the weeks after, I was able to get in contact with five other participants. We conducted interviews during the spring of 2023. The information presented in this text stems from both these interviews and my own experiences on-site, as well as literature on the events. Four of the interviewees were female and one male. While being between 27 and 34 years old, they came from the regional cities of Krefeld (about 60km north of Lützerath), Darmstadt (about 140km to the Southeast), Gießen (about 150km to the Northeast) and the area around Frankfurt. All spoke German with me and had a university background. Their fields of expertise were chemistry, hydrology, biodiversity, agriculture, biology, and pedagogy. Two were not politically organised, while two others were engaged in non-governmental and left-wing political groups. One person – Fabian Pieper – was a Green Party member and elected representative in Krefeld, active in the environmental executive committee of the city.
Past – Situating the village in the rural landscape.
Lützerath was a tiny village. It went back a long way, as it was first mentioned as Lutzelenrode in 1168. The Wachtmeisterhof was run by a Cistercian monastery based in Duisburg from 1265 until 1802, to facilitate agriculture. Before eviction, eight people officially lived there in June 2022. But it used to be more as by then most people had already taken the compensation offer from RWE and moved away. Nevertheless, Lützerath became a focal point of the climate justice movement and dozens to hundreds of people squatted the old farmhouses to stop the coal mine eating away the ground the hamlet was standing on. They built new dwellings, tree houses, water pipes, tents, and other facilities for continuous settlement (Marlon 2023). All of those were technically not authorised by any provincial administrative body. But they were also not illegal, as most of these structures were built on ground that belonged to sympathetic villagers who invited activists to come and live with them. The most prominent of these villagers was Eckart Heukamp, who lived in the old Wachtmeisterhof. He was the last official resident of Lützerath (de Gregorio 2020). Therefore, up until the end in late January 2023, the place was inhabited by more people, stemming from all kinds of regions and engaged in many different activities.
2: Occupied Backsteinhof in Lützerath 2021. “1,5°C means that Lützerath stays!”; “Excavator for sale for 1,5°C”. By © Superbass CC-BY-SA-4.0 (via Wikimedia Commons).
The strategy of the climate movement regarding Lützerath was plentiful. First, an enormous effort was made to inform people about what was going on. The aim was to mobilise as many as possible for both the actual squats in Lützerath but also for the large demonstration on 14 January 2023, which became known as Tag X (“Day X”), a synonym for the day before Lützerath was supposed to be dug away and evictions were about to start. This demonstration was a cornerstone of the strategy, but by far not the only one. Numerous demonstrations throughout Germany were conducted in solidarity, information events held, posters and stickers distributed, social media campaigning included, and left-wing activists tried to revive Lützerath. They started living there and to build and grow a space in which utopia could be realised, despite or maybe even because the lignite mine got larger and larger, encroaching upon the hamlet.
Squatting Lützerath to prevent RWE from digging out the coal had the aim to postpone the day when the company could finally make profits from the resource by indefinitely dragging out the process and increasing costs. This tactic was successful in the struggle for the Hambach Forest since 2012 (Hambi bleibt!). The successful struggle in Hambach also motivated my interviewees Kim, Marlon, and Maxi to join the protests for the survival of Lützerath (Kim 2023; Marlon 2023; Maxi 2023).
Furthermore, the official story justifying the usage of coal beneath Lützerath based this climate-harmful endeavour on the procurement of arguably essentially needed energy supply for the whole country, which allegedly could have overruled climate commitments. On the one hand this was a path-dependent continuation of German energy policy from the times of industrialisation in the 19th century until today (RWE).[2] On the other, it was a stern 180° change of position for the new government around chancellor Olaf Scholz, who led a coalition between Social Democrats, the Green Party and the Liberals that presented itself as being committed to mitigating climate change during election campaigns in 2021 (cf. with Swyngedouw 2013, 10).
Ostensibly, the coalition changed its announced policy back to conventional German energy strategies because of the war between Russia and Ukraine that dramatically escalated on 24 February 2022, the following deliberate and unilateral decision by the government to stop fossil fuel imports from the aggressor, the destruction of Nord Stream I and II, as well as the intentional inability to create a sustainable change in Germany’s energy mix based on renewables now and during the last decades.[3] To add injury to insult, the Green Party both ruled the federal energy ministry and the regional environmental ministry concerned with Lützerath: Instead of fighting RWE, they embraced the company’s goals and sanctioned the destruction of the village.[4]
Contradicting this change in policy, the highest court of the country had previously decided several lawsuits in a way that practically elevated climate change mitigation policies into constitutional law (Pieper 2023; BUND 2021). The German government argued on the basis of limited scientific evidence heavily influenced by RWE and issued by the regional economy ministry that the coal beneath Lützerath would have been needed to avoid the breaking down of energy systems during the winter period of 2022-2023 (Micah 2023; Reichert 2023). To formulate a compromise, the Green Party turned in favour of digging out the coal under Lützerath and forfeiting the 1,5°C-goal, but in exchange wanted to make RWE stop at the Garzweiler lignite pit after that, protecting the villages Kuckum, Berverath, Keyenberg, Oberwestrich and Unterwestrich that lay west of Lützerath and that the company wanted to destroy next. On 04 October 2022, RWE, regional economy minister Mona Neubaur and federal economy minister Robert Habeck (both from the Green Party) publicly proclaimed this deal at a press conference. Furthermore, the federal stop of generating electricity by burning lignite was to be antedated from 2038 to 2030, which the Green Party marketed as a success (Redaktionsnetzwerk Deutschland 2023). In opposition to that alternative scientific reports were made, questioning the soundness of this assessment and this deal (Micah 2023). Several already existed before the decision was taken (Scientists for Future 2023). Ignoring science, RWE wanted to be fast and to go ahead before a renewed discussion of the matter could possibly change the decision.
The activists hoped that by dragging out the protests, the regional and the federal governments could have time and feel the urge to reassess, which could have given the Green Party some leverage to prevent the destruction of Lützerath (Pieper 2023, Micah 2023, Kim 2023). Especially the latter were strong motivations for Fabian Pieper, Micah and Kim to join the demonstration on 14 January 2023.
3: “Let’s go to Lützerath! Stop eviction! For Climate Justice!” – Mobilising poster of the climate protests taking place at the Garzweiler lignite mine. Provided via Fridays for Future for distribution. Co-production of the different initiatives stated at the bottom of the poster. The yellow X represents “Tag X”, which became a symbol of anti-coal protests in Germany.
According to RWE, the lignite mine Garzweiler produced up to 30 million tons of coal on an area of 35 km² by digging away 100-120 million m³ per year (RWE). During the last years, the mine was continuously expanding, eating away fertile agricultural land and rural communities on its way to Lützerath. With the climate crisis dramatically escalating during the last five years, the village became a focal point for the German and international climate movement.
4: Lützerath in Western Germany, close to the Netherlands and west of Cologne. Map made with Google Earth, DATA SIO, NOAA, U.S. Navy, NGA, GEBCO. Image Landsat/ Copernicus.
5: Lützerath and the open-pit Lignite mine Garzweiler (including the now gone village of Garzweiler) in 2003. Map made with Google Earth, image © 2023 GeoContent, image © 2023 AeroWest.
6: Lützerath and the encroaching pit (Garzweiler is gone now) in 2021. Map made with Google Earth, Image © 2023 CNES/ Airbus.
7: Zoom-in on Lützerath in 2021. Map made with Google Earth.
8: RWE’s large digging machine standing opposite of the town of Lützerath at the top-right corner, surrounded by police. The yellow-vested-people standing next to the excavator are private security guards defending the machine against squatting attempts by protesters. By the author, taken on 14 January 2023.
Events flamed up on 11 January 2023, when the police started the forceful eviction of activists from Lützerath and the surrounding area (Rheinische Post 2023, Hill 2023). While preparing for day X, activists had erected barricades out of stones, bricks, logs, concrete, and steel. They also tried to block paths and roads with the basic tools they had available. Fences that were built by the police were torn down by activists. Again and again, protestors tried to occupy eviction equipment and RWE’s digging machinery. At the same time, many demonstrations popped up around the whole republic, including protests in front and inside of the Green Party’s regional headquarters in Düsseldorf (Focus Online 2023). Activists both held out on the roofs of buildings and in tree houses, where it was very hard to evict them, and in a tunnel, two guys dug out beneath Lützerath (Micah 2023, Schönberg 2023). At the same time, protests targeted the central business building of RWE in Essen, where people chained themselves to the plant’s gates. At the fellow lignite mine in Hambach, activists squatted one of RWE’s large excavators in solidarity.
Besides the struggle to protect the climate, it was also important to show that the German state would dispossess some of its rural citizens for outdated resource extraction, even in 2023 (Marlon 2023). People had to lose their homes to fuel RWE’s profit interests. Furthermore, in many of these small villages that already were or were to be destroyed, churches were being desecrated even though the local people wanted to continue their operation (Die Kirche(n) im Dorf lassen). In this regard parts of the struggle also had a religious component to it.
The large, rainy and muddy demonstration on 14 January 2023 was the culmination point of all those activities. It was a powerful protest, certainly one of the larger climate demonstrations in Germany. Nevertheless, the amount of people attending was a contested issue for the interviewees. In the immediate aftermath of the demonstration, it became apparent that there was a large discrepancy between the number reported by the police (15,000) and the one by activists (50,000) (Pieper 2023). The actual number might have been between 30,000 and 39,000 (Maxi 2023, Düperthal 2023, Pieper 2023). This discrepancy was one of many contested issues in regard to media reporting on the demonstration that undermined enthusiasm in the political process and the independence of the media (Pieper 2023, Maxi 2023, Micah 2023). The interviewees evaluated the turnout of the demonstration differently. Maxi was disappointed. Following the mobilisation success of several Fridays for Future demonstrations in Germany and the fact that 80,000 people would go and see a football game, she hoped for 200,000 people showing up at Lützerath (Fridays for Future Germany 2021; Maxi 2023).[5] On the other hand, for Marlon and Kim the actual turnout was a success giving hope for the movement and for future protests (Marlon 2023; Kim 2023).
However, the demonstration and all the different creative actions in so many places aiming at preserving Lützerath and keeping the coal in the ground, were futile in the end – Lützerath was destroyed and the coal has been dug up, public climate commitments, the Paris climate agreement, and continuing protests notwithstanding.
Present – The village is gone, but Lützerath lives on.
Unfortunately, the protests that went on for years and culminated in the big demonstration on 14 January 2023 were unsuccessful in the sense that Lützerath did not survive. Protesters, activists, and climate enthusiasts had to realise that in this instance, the combined force of big capital in the form of RWE, a compromising regional and federal government, as well as a chancellor who took climate commitments by himself and by his own party not serious, the limits of their influence was reached. Marlon described in detail the experience of reaching physical limits on 14 January 2023. While trying to breach police barricades to get into Lützerath, she and others were forcefully stopped (Marlon 2023). At other places, people were hurt on both sides and the physical limits of being unable to reach the village became apparent.
Institutionally, the regional and federal governments had simply decided that this would happen now, ignoring the years of protests and the emergence of alternative scientific reports questioning the necessity of the whole endeavour. With their behaviour they showed clearly, where the institutional limits of the protesters were.
Limits also became tangible in a social dimension after the demonstration. The population was split in three camps: supporters of Lützerath and the protests, supporters of RWE and the police, and the broad mass that did not want to take notice of the dramatic events taking place at Garzweiler in the context of the climate crisis. Fabian Pieper described how he had mostly heard negative reports from the protests before 14 January 2023 and how afterwards the internal discussion within the Green Party was very polarised. In discussion with his local party colleagues, he wrote an official protest letter to the regional government, in which the Green Party held significant power. Unfortunately, the response was not in favour of these complaints, and the letter was ignored (Pieper 2023). To add injury to insult, he reported that the press representative of the Green Party was beaten up by the police during the demonstration while trying to reach Lützerath, adding in hindsight to a felt sense of disappointment at the rank and file of the party (Pieper 2023). Adding to this, the head of the police on-site was also a Green Party member, showing in a sense contradicting party action (Pieper 2023). Here the social limits of the protests became tangible.
After the protests, the interviewees still felt linked to the events and what had happened on-site, but they had different opinions about it. Marlon felt sad, angry and bewildered that Lützerath was evicted, although she had prepared herself for this possible outcome. She was very shocked, how fast in the end authorities evicted people from the village. Nevertheless, the large demonstration gave her hope for the future of the struggle. She said “The fight will become even more important, because Lützerath is lost” (Marlon 2023).[6] Maxi showed a more stoic assessment, as for her nothing has changed now that Lützerath is gone. If RWE was to dig up the next town, Keyenberg, she would once again be there to protest, convinced that then even more people would show up, especially the youth whose future was being robbed (Maxi 2023). Kim agrees, as she also has not lost hope for the cause as a whole, due to the fact that so many people engaged with Lützerath. These would continue the struggle and she believes that then institutional politics would have to listen (Kim 2023). Fabian Pieper disagrees, as Lützerath was a failure. Not only for him personally, but also for his party. Decisions were taken in a very non-transparent way as quickly as possible to prevent environmental organisations to react. This would have caused a tremendous loss of faith in the Green Party in particular and the government in total. For him, all of this feels bad (Pieper 2023). Micah was disappointed, too (Micah 2023). Unrelated to their testimonies, the fact that the police used transporters from the actual private company RWE for carrying the evicted activists away, showed how close the connection between capital and executive had become (Düperthal 2023). This underscores doubts opposing the soundness of the political system.
Therefore, the biggest limit, or better loss, was that the protests as a whole were not successful in this instance. Where once the village became home for many “old” citizens and climate activists, it now ultimately fell victim to the company’s excavator. Few things in the landscape still tell of its former existence, the so hard-gained spaces for creativity, freedom, and housing are gone. On the first look, this was a bitter disappointment for many (Maxi 2023).
With the demonstration back in the past and so many activities gone by, one should ask oneself what could have been done better by us climate activists to ensure that this campaign could have been successful. Marlon realistically stated that a success, such as at the Hambach Forest, was the exception not the rule (Marlon 2023). Nevertheless, the struggle for Hambach can give inspiration of what strategy had worked and which had not. One thing that became topic during many interviews was the noticeable division between protesters (Micah 2023, Kim 2023, Pieper 2023, Marlon 2023).
Basically, the dividing line went across the question of how far one should go to protect Lützerath. Most protesters went to the demonstration but had no intention to confront the police, to deliberately disregard their orders, or to squat Lützerath. This position was only taken by a minority of dedicated activists, who from their own understanding also wanted more than protecting the village: they were out to protect a space where utopia could become reality (Marlon 2023, cf. with Swyngedouw 2013, 13). Overwhelmingly left-wing and with a large portion of anarchists amongst their ranks, this group had goals that were not shared by many of the other protesters (Kim 2023, Micah 2023, Pieper 2023). They were willing to go into the confrontation with the police, risking their health and proceeding lawsuits in the aftermath (Maxi 2023).
For Kim, this did not feel well during the demonstration (Kim 2023). She reports that some anarchists went around the demonstration to get people to join heading towards the village and the police chains defending it (cf. with Pieper 2023). She also noticed that multiple people around her did not want to go. Apart from that, there were also speeches given at the rally point, like for example by Greta Thunberg. After she spoke, there was also another speech given that used very strong language that indicated that people should now turn towards Lützerath (Pieper 2023). Many did not follow, as apparently this was not a consensus amongst protesters. This divide was negatively felt by some and certainly did not strengthen the movement (Micah 2023, Pieper 2023, Kim 2023). The sour discussion in mainstream media of the protest did not help in this regard. Maxi had a more nuanced point of view. She did not notice any conflicts of this sort during 14 January 2023, but was aware of these dividing conflicts beforehand.
At the bottom of this division lies an ethical question: is it allowed to use force unsanctioned by authorities to protect the environmental basis for tomorrow (Malm 2021, 7-9)? While certainly not a young question, the climate movement and especially Fridays for Future were in the last years very successful in mobilising people for large protests on the basis of explicitly peaceful demonstrations. Initiatives such as Last Generation or Extinction Rebellion added the old anarchist principle of peaceful direct action to the mix. But in the case of the Hambach Forest, this was not enough. Only the concerted effort of left-wing protesters that squatted the forest and lived in tree houses, erected barricades and always came back once they were evicted, together in unison with all other forms of protest saved the forest. If we were to learn from Hambach, then this is the lesson: there needs to be unison amongst the protesters and both camps need to come together for the common goal. If not – and this shows Lützerath – mainstream media will polarise conflicts and divide the protests into good and bad ones, leading to a weakening of both and a silencing of the main message.
Parts of the speeches at the rally point focussed on intersectionalism, linking the struggle at Lützerath with anti-racist fights in the USA, sexism in Germany, anti-colonial indigenous struggles in South America and xenophobia in Europe (cf. with Swyngedouw 2013, 17). For Fabian Pieper, this was not a useful strategy. In his eyes, this was rather perceived as deterring, detrimental to the actual mobilisation effort. The identification of environmental protection and racism led to a logical reasoning like “if you are against protecting the environment, you are a racist” (Pieper 2023, cf. with Whyte 2017, 157-158). This would not be helpful, as it could not motivate ordinary people to join the protests. Here, different theoretical approaches became apparent. Micah later thought about this in a more neutral way, having heard for the first time of these connections at this event (Micah 2023).
Marlon noticed another important point. For her, the strategy of those activists that actually wanted to get into Lützerath was too one-dimensional. It would have been better to use multiple creative forms of protest. The simple attempt to frontally breach police chains was doomed to fail, which was in a sense a disheartening situation for her (Marlon 2023).
In the aftermath of 14 January, another downfall of the movement became obvious. Our communication strategies were inadequate. In many cases it was not possible to get based information for the general public (Pieper 2023, Kim 2023, Micah 2023). This void was filled by mainstream media such as the state’s news show Tagesschau, Springer’s right-wing newspaper Welt,and the news magazine Spiegel. All of these only presented biased information and usually not in favour of the protesters. Micah even spotted a lie in the reporting made by the police, saying that officers would have been there to protect people from falling down into the mining pit, something that definitely was not the case (Micah 2023; image 8). A generally observed strategy was to focus attention on the violence that happened between the police and activists at the side of the protests, while the peaceful demonstration of the dozens of thousands of others were largely silenced. Interviews were framed and cut in a way that it was impossible to actually get a full picture on the situation (Pieper 2023). Sadly, environmental activists failed in filling this void, often even appearing as unreliable sources themselves (Micah 2023, Pieper 2023). For Micah, it was important to present more based scientific information in a very clear manner, to at least give people a chance to form a serious opinion on this issue (Micah 2023). The movement needs unity and a better and more comprehensive, source-based communication strategy.
Many strategies employed were in themselves useful. In general one can say that the squatting of farm houses, the construction of tree houses and tripods, and creative protests including both peaceful protesting and direct action events proofed to be successful in a sense that it increased the costs for RWE and prolonged the time schedule under which the coal extraction activities were planned. It was useful that some people squatted RWE’s excavators and that others had erected barricades against being evicted. It was important to write texts and to inform both other environmental activists and the general public about what was going on. Especially also to counteract the mainstream narrative of the protests. Mobilising via diverse channels, amongst others via the messenger Telegram and through Facebook proved to be effective. Mobilisation strategies in general had shown considerable success as indeed many people across the republic and far away became aware and active in the struggle to protect Lützerath. The fact that Greta Thunberg, Luisa Neubauer, and other international figures of the climate movement came to Lützerath and protested showed considerable success for the mobilising strategy. I personally find it astounding, how the activists created logistics for the struggle on-site, in such a relatively remote area with the few resources that were available. Surely, the demonstration on 14 January 2023 was a key example for that, but also the years-long struggle before that. During the days before and at the demonstration, when the police moved into Lützerath to evict the occupiers, two strategies proved to be exceedingly successful in postponing their operation. First, by moving up to the roofs of the buildings, it became very difficult for the police to arrest the squatters and to destroy those edifices. The second one was the construction of a secret tunnel, within which two activists hid themselves, thus making elaborated groundworks above impossible (Schönberg 2023).
Ultimately, and despite the diverging interests among the group of protesters, it was a large success to mobilise so many people under one umbrella and for one purpose. This is a powerful message that gives hope for future protests (cf. with Marlon 2023). These positive strategies can be replicated at places of further struggles against lignite mining in Germany.
Future – Inspired by Lützerath, working towards an end of German coal
Unfortunately, the village is gone. It will not have a future. The people who have left, who were evicted and the ones that took the deals offered will not return. To cover their tracks and hide the hideous landscape they have created, RWE and the province plan to fill the huge mining pits with billions of litres of water from the Rhine to create several huge lakes (Sieben 2022). The realisation of this idea is highly questionable (cf. with Kim 2023). During the last summers, the region experienced droughts and the Rhine’s water levels had dropped. To continuously divert a significant part of this river will not be a sustainable solution, as everyone downstream will suffer. It will not work.
Nevertheless, Lützerath did a lot to many individual people in particular and the climate movement as well as the general discourse in general. For me, the urgency to act within the context of the ongoing climate crisis is apparent, the greediness of the coal company appalling, the complicity of large parts of the political establishment open for everyone to witness, disregarding previous announcements, climate agreements, and election programmes. People see this and the discrepancy cannot be hidden anymore. The German state does not take its own climate goals serious. Instead it promotes the usage of the dirtiest energy option there is: open-pit lignite mining.
Here Maxi elaborated on a very important issue for activists that needs to take place after the events. People have to talk with each other about their experiences, about what went right and what went wrong, in order to get over the disappointment of failure and to avoid depression. It is therefore necessary to watch out for one another, and to not silently carry these feelings home and to only deal with them alone (Maxi 2023).
On another note, Marlon said that the experience in Lützerath during the blockades gave a lot of hope and ideas on how to live to create a better future. Maybe even for how to build a new society without exploitation. Therefore, Lützerath lives on in the minds of the activists, as it became a household term describing what failed climate policy means in concrete terms. All interviewees agreed that Lützerath means a lot to them, also months after the protests had failed (Maxi 2023, Marlon 2023, Pieper 2023, Micah 2023, Kim 2023). This fundamental experience cannot be undone.
One important question to ask in this regard is whether RWE will have to stop digging coal in the area – as this was the deal with the government – or whether they will be allowed to continue. If they will be stopped, at least Lützerath’s neighbouring villages could be saved and the area preserved (Pieper 2023).
That being written, it is for me more probable that another village at the Garzweiler lignite mine will be threatened to be dug away. If that happens, people will go there again and take the spirit of Lützerath with them to continue the struggle. Then even more people will support it and the next village will be saved, as strategies evolve and divisions amongst the movement dissolve. We have one planet and only one joint future on it. Globally, Lützerath might only be one of many frontlines of the climate crisis. But the more we zoom in, the more important it becomes for the people closeby. Another world is possible, we just need to be brave enough to act outside the established norms. Lützerath has shown that change will not come from above, but that it is already here in the present, created by average people who dared to act. This gives hope to continue, hope to accept this setback, and hope to work together for a better world, in which we do not jeopardise everything for the greed of a few but powerful people. Lützerath lives on.
References
Interviews
Kim (works with water protection and dynamic in Germany). Interview on 25 April 2023 via Zoom in Stockholm. First name basis.
Marlon (Climate activist, Gießen, Germany). Interview on 22 April 2023 via Zoom in Gießen and Stockholm. Pseudonym.
Maxi (Climate activist, near Frankfurt, Germany). Interview on 24 April 2023 via Zoom in Stockholm. Pseudonym.
Micah (Climate activist, Darmstadt, Germany). Interview on 05 April 2023 via Zoom in Darmstadt and Stockholm. Pseudonym.
Pieper, Fabian (communal politician in Krefeld-Fischen, Green Party, Germany). Interview on 12 April 2023 via Zoom in Krefeld and Stockholm.
Literature
Bund für Umwelt- und Naturschutz Deutschland/ Friends of the Earth Germany (2021). “Bahnbrechendes Klima-Urteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts”. 29 April 2021, https://www.bund.net/service/presse/pressemitteilungen/detail/news/bahnbrechendes-klima-urteil-des-bundesverfassungsgerichts/ [2023-07-05].
de Gregorio, L.: “Der letzte Kämpfer”. Taz, 25 October 2020, https://taz.de/Der-Hausbesuch/!5719920/ [2023-06-23].
Die Kirche(n) im Dorf lassen: “Wer wir sind”. https://www.kirchen-im-dorf-lassen.de/%C3%BCber-uns/ [2023-07-04].
Düperthal, G. (2023). “Die Polizei bediente sich der Transporter von RWE. Grundrechtekomitee dokumentiert Polizeigewalt bei Räumung von Lützerath. Reul bestreitet Verstöße”. junge Welt, 18/19 March 2023.
Focus Online (2023): “Protest Gegen Lützerath-Räumung. Aktivisten besetzen erneut NRW-Parteizentrale der Grünen”. 12 January 2023, https://www.focus.de/panorama/welt/protest-gegen-luetzerath-raeumung-aktivisten-besetzen-erneut-nrw-parteizentrale-der-gruenen_id_182852884.html [2023-06-30].
Fridays for Future Germany (2021): “Fridays for Future: Bundesweit demonstrieren 620.000 vor der Bundestagswahl für mehr Klimaschutz”. 24 September 2021, https://fridaysforfuture.de/fridays-for-future-bundesweit-demonstrieren-620-000-vor-der-bundestagswahl-fuer-mehr-klimaschutz/ [2023-06-30].
Hambi bleibt!: “10 Jahre Besetzung Hambacher Forst”. https://hambacherforst.org/besetzung/ [2023-06-28].
Hill, J. (2023): “Lützerath eviction: German police drag climate protesters from coal village”. BBC News, 11 January 2023, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-64233676 [2023-07-20].
Malm, A. (2021): How to blow up a pipeline: Learning to Fight in a World on Fire. Verso.
Redaktionsnetzwerk Deutschland rnd (2023): “Das Dorf Lützerath. Chronologie eines jahrelangen Streits im Braunkohlerevier”. https://www.rnd.de/politik/luetzerath-chronologie-eines-jahrelangen-streits-im-braunkohlerevier-XLEQDWXTOSNYCO6RFNUVJBDRO4.html [2023-06-29].
Reichert, I. a. Puttfarcken, Lena (2023): “Was du wissen must, um die Debatte um Lützerath zu verstehen”. Quarks, 23 January 2023, https://www.quarks.de/technik/energie/luetzerath-braunkohle-energieversorgung-klimaziele/ [2023-07-12].
Rheinische Post (2023): “Die letzten Tage von Lützerath – eine Chronologie”. 16 January 2023, https://rp-online.de/nrw/staedte/erkelenz/braunkohletagebau/luetzerath-raeumung-die-letzten-tage-des-dorfes-im-braunkohlerevier-eine-chronologie_bid-83087941#0 [2023-06-29].
RWE: “Tagebau Garzweiler”. https://www.rwe.com/der-konzern/laender-und-standorte/tagebau-garzweiler/ [2023-06-29].
Schönberg, K.: “Tunnel in Lützerath. Pinky & Brain halten die Polizei auf”. Taz, 13 January 2023, https://taz.de/Tunnel-in-Luetzerath/!5908646/ [2023-07-04].
Scientists for Future Germany (2023): “Offener Brief. Ein Moratorium für die Räumung von Lützerath”. 11 January 2023, https://de.scientists4future.org/offener-brief-ein-moratorium-fuer-die-raeumung-von-luetzerath [2023-07-12].
Sieben, P.: “Riesiger See in NRW: Milliarden Liter Wasser aus dem Rhein sollen umgeleitet warden”. Merkur, 06 December 2022, https://www.merkur.de/deutschland/nordrhein-westfalen/streit-kritik-tagebau-hambach-rwe-forst-koeln-aachen-zrw-riesiger-see-nrw-hambacher-see-neu-91939133.html [2023-07-04].
Swyngedouw, E. (2013). “Apocalypse Now! Fear and Doomsday Pleasures”. Capitalism Nature Socialism, 2013 (24:1): 9-18.
Whyte, K.P. (2017). “The Dakota Access Pipeline, Environmental Injustice, and U.S. Colonialism”. REDINK, Spring 2017 (191): 154-169.
[1] BUND: Bund für Umwelt und Naturschutz Deutschland; NAJU: Naturschutzjugend im NABU; NABU: Naturschutzbund Deutschland; ADAC: Allgemeiner Deutscher Automobil-Club.
[2] RWE introduces the coal mine on its website by pointing out that lignite would have been dug at Garzweiler for more than 100 years.
[3] The Social Democrats were part of the federal governments from 1998 until 2009, and from 2013 until now. Olaf Scholz himself was part of the cabinet Merkel I as minister for labour and social issues from 2007-2009 and Merkel IV as minister of finance as well as vice-chancellor from 2018-2021. As such, it is to an extend his fault that the term Energiewende has continued to represent an empty phrase without material substance.
[4] This is only the view of the author.
[5] Cf. with testimony of Fabian Pieper, who himself went to Fridays for Future demonstrations in support of Lützerath before 14 January 2023.
[6] Translated by the author from “Weil Lützerath verloren ist, ist der Kampf immer wichtiger.”
Eleonora Panunzi
- Where this grassroots initiative is implemented? Who are the promoters?
Casetta Rossa is a self-managed social space located in Garbatella in Rome’s Municipality VIII. It was founded in 2002 by a group of residents who, on a totally voluntary basis, took action to clean up a green space that had been abandoned for many years and asked for it to be managed for the benefit of the local population. Casetta Rossa was then established in 2011 as a social promotion association and began to promote social, cultural, and environmental initiatives.
- Who are the beneficiaries?
The main beneficiaries of the activities of Casetta Rossa are the inhabitants of the neighborhood with a diffuse target group (children, adults, elderlies) who can take advantage of a redeveloped park and a space open to all. More generally, all those who decide to take advantage of the various initiatives proposed by Casetta Rossa can be beneficiaries.
In the past years, the space hosted several volunteer camps for the redevelopment of the park, so the exchange has taken place at local, national and international level.
The various activities promoted by Casetta Rossa are addressed to various individuals, both Italian and foreign, favoring inclusion and integration between micro-communities and thus enabling the growth of a culture of dialogue and knowledge exchange.
- How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
Casetta Rossa statute explicitly states that one of the aims of the APS is the promotion of initiatives to safeguard the environmental heritage. This activity is expressed in concrete actions such as the redevelopment of a green area – the Cavallo Pazzo park – wrested from neglect and abandonment, which has become an extraordinary space for the community. The park is also cared through periodic appointments for cleaning and maintenance, and for meetings and cultural and inclusion projects, dances and songs, workshops to learn about and care for the environment, and celebrations to celebrate the park. To these activities are added:
- the creation of the solidarity purchasing group to encourage the purchase of quality and organically grown products, lowering the cost of products through group purchasing and favoring small farms/cooperatives and 0 km products;
- the Forno Popolare (Popular Oven) initiative, born in 2013, with the idea of self-producing bread in the Casetta Rossa oven; an idea that stems from the need to re-appropriate the knowledge at the basis of our diet. Bread in this sense also becomes a symbol to promote initiatives of environmental sustainability and quality of raw materials, but also a tool to bring people together and bring them to share;
- the tree census of plant species presents in Cavallo Pazzo Park, developed by Prof. Mancuso and Chef Rubio. The project, which began in 2018, aims to understand the behavior of the trees present in the park by calculating the amount of carbon dioxide stored by the trees; the capacity of runoff water retained by the trees; and the cooling capacity of the streets and neighboring buildings;
- the creation, in collaboration with the association A Sud, of a Climate Change Hub, a youth laboratory for the study and investigation of climate change, which has contributed its comments on the Sustainable Energy Action Plan – PAESC
- What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
Casetta Rossa aims to promote initiatives free of charge through the commitment of activists and. in recent years, it has given rise to political, social and cultural initiatives, as well as a popular wood-fired oven that can be used by the whole community, a solidarity purchasing group, activities for children, theatre, acting or baking workshops, photography courses, excursions, walking and cycling tours in Rome and Lazio to get to know historical places and working-class neighborhoods. In addition, they self-manage the Parco Cavallo Pazzo, the park next to Casetta.
[From this interview with one of the activists of Casetta Rossa, in my opinion, it emerges that Casetta Rossa is an extraordinary example of re-appropriation and protection of a space that has been made available to citizens, and of an activity that contributes to reinvent a community, these initiatives “can contribute to unhinging the socio-ecological relations that procure profit and power to a few individuals to the detriment of the many” [Armiero, 2021].
The experience of Casetta Rossa, in my opinion, proposes an alternative model of relations in the community and with the territory, a model that promotes a more inclusive and sustainable culture and can therefore be considered a new practice of relations both vertically with the institutional context and horizontally in the relationship between citizens of the community.
Bearing in mind that “the ecological crisis is not only a crisis of the physical environment but also a crisis of the cultural and social environment” (Mapping a common ground, Bergthaller et all, 2021 Derive e Approdi), Casetta Rossa contributes to proposing a new model of relations in the community and whit the institutional structures. Casetta Rossa can offer an alternative to the system that has generated the current crisis and thus respond to the climate change we are experiencing].
- What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
Casetta Rossa was established in 2002 and the visible effects can be seen in the redevelopment of the space, the management of a shared place and the promotion of the various initiatives described above.
Casetta Rossa has signed an agreement with the Municipality of Rome VIII, for the management of the area until November 2023.
- Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
Casetta Rossa sees the involvement of different actors dealing with various issues ranging from the Casetta Solidale, which collects and distributes food and necessities to over 300 households, to the Buying Group, which promotes the purchase of quality and organically grown products, to the Reading Group. The various areas of activity see the involvement of different actors with also specific competences. In general, the common background of the people involved is that of activism, voluntary work, and solidarity.
- Which limits (institutional, physical, social, etc.) does it encounter? Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
The artifact and the park have been entrusted to APS since 2013 following a public call for tenders. Casetta Rossa has signed a convention with the Municipality VIII that will expires in December 2023, this currently represents an element of instability with respect to future prospects.
The main difficulties faced by Casetta Rossa concern the issue of financing activities and the economic management of the park and the Casetta building. The activities offered by Casetta are all free of charge, the only two forms of funding being donations and income from a refreshment point set up inside the Casetta.
The complex organization of Casetta Rossa also inevitably encounters organizational and management difficulties, given the large number of proposals for activities relating to different areas.
There is also, according to the organizers, a communication limitation; a better ability to tell people about the work of the Casetta Rossa would be desirable.
- How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
The initiative arose from the initiative of a few citizens and is certainly replicable in other contexts. There are other examples of active groups of citizens who organize themselves to redevelop and regenerate their territory. The model of Casetta Rossa is a self-management in collaboration with institutions for the care and management of common goods. In this sense, the experience is replicable even if the reconversion of untended public spaces and the long-term management of a public space is undoubtedly a complex activity that requires a concrete commitment and a major managerial and logistical effort.
- Is this initiative conducive to broader changes?
In the last three electoral rounds, Casetta has seen the election of its own representatives at the Municipality of Rome VIII and at the Municipality of Rome, thus strengthening its relationship with the institutions, but above all fostering the active participation of the community, which from the experience of self-management has also moved towards a commitment within the institutions.
Casetta Rossa then formed partnerships with various associations and participated in the activities of various movements active in the area. An example of Casetta Rossa’s role in the municipality and beyond is the close collaboration with the City of Rome’s Urban Gardens movement, which saw Casetta’s active participation in the process to arrive at a municipal council resolution for the allocation of urban gardens.
This example is illustrative of Casetta’s role as a small system that operates in the local context but also promotes and participates in initiatives at a national level and acts as a stimulus and influence on institutions.
Material
The information reported was gathered through an interview with an activist involved in the activities of Casetta Rossa, Maya Vetri, who currently also holds the position of councillor for Cultural Policies, Intercultural Policies, Gender Policies, Participation, Common Goods, Memory of the Municipality VIII of Rome. The website and social pages of Casetta Rossa (http://casettarossa.org/) and the statute of the social promotion association were also analysed (http://casettarossa.org/statuto/).
Photo of Casetta Rossa – public photo taken from the Casetta Rossa Facebook page
Photo Forno Popolare Casetta Rossa – public photo taken from the Casetta Rossa Facebook page
Photo Forno Popolare Casetta Rossa – public photo taken from the Casetta Rossa Facebook page
Gaia Maronilli
The experience of the project “Nutrire Trento”
- Where and whom
Nutrire Trento is a project that takes place in Trento, a small city in the North of Italy. Among Italian cities, Trento has a very good reputation in terms of eco-sustainability, nevertheless, for what concerns the impact of the food system on the territory, there is still a lot to do. Its province is well-known for the production of apples and wine: the territories are dominated by their intensive monocultures, causing loss of biodiversity and fertility of the soil, to this adds the impossibility of food self-sufficiency. Despite that, in the recent years, some farmers have decided to detach themselves from unsustainable mass distribution(“Grande Distribuzione Orgnanizzata”) and the agri-food industry, to embrace an alternative agriculture that can follow the rhythm of nature by diminishing its impact and anthropic action and the use of chemicals. These producers follow the principles of agroecology and biodynamic agriculture. Alongside this trend of eco-transitioning of production, Trento has known a growing request for local, healthy and organic goods that leads to the birth of numerous solidarity purchasing groups (“Gruppi di acquisto solidale”). From the literature, within the trend of then new Sustainable Community Movement Organizations (Dal Gobbo et Forno, 2020), the Alternative Food networks (AFNs) are a wide variety of small or big food supply systems, alternative to the Agro-Industrial one (Forno et Maurano, 2016, p.6), and they can be interpreted as sustainable materialism (Schlosberg, 2019). By contrasting the unfair and unsustainable logics of the industrial agriculture and the big distribution, they try to underline the importance and the specificity of the local dimension from an environmental and social point of view. These realities often try to involve all the actors involved in the process from production to consumption, to waste management (Forno et Maurano, 2016). This approach can be traced back to the glocalism current: from awareness of the global problems, alternative solutions are sought on the basis of the localism principles. If it is true that AFNs have multiple problems, such as the lack of institutionalization that hinders their stability and the possibility of having an effective impact on a major scale, support from institutions can enable them to overcome the problems linked to accessibility and sensibilization to these themes. The new Food Policy Councils can be recalled as examples (Koski et al. 2016), and the following case study of Nutrire Trento can be seen as a peculiar experience within this perspective.
- Timeline and participants
In this context, Nutrire Trento was born in 2016 by the mutual collaboration of the municipality and the University of Trento with the civil society to find a dialogue among all the actors involved in the food system, to make people aware of its impact, as to create renew conscious habits of production and consumption.
- How the initiative engages with climate change
Within this perspective, the interest for climate change, sustainability and the impact of the food system are perceived as a “direct consequence” of being part of Nutrire Trento: the participants see their health and wellbeing as extremely linked to the one of the ecosystem, so that they introduce a political aspect in the pursuit of a wellbeing that might otherwise appear as merely personal. The Food system is recognized as one of the most influencing factors on the environmental degradation and climate change. A critical nutrition then can be one of the first actions to counter the unsustainability and move towards a more ecological model. Nutrire Trento has the value of reuniting positive experiences where local producers have their own philosophy: for example one of the participants talks about “fruit-horticulture” centered on the concept of biodiversity to work in synergy with nature and to diminish the use of chemical products and external inputs. These experiences show how it is possible to pursue alternative ways of production capable of feeding the population without adopting high technological solutions. According to the producers, this engagement is fundamental because “nature itself is rising up”: they testify that there is significantly early entry in production of the fruits, besides extreme weather events which were way more rare once. Against the problem of the vine and apple monocultures, positive experiences like Nutrire Trento can make pressure for converting the fields towards a wider diversification of the cultures. At the same time, the transition from a conventional agriculture to an organic one is a “fundamental change”. Nevertheless, it will require some time, or at least “ a generational change”, even if the participants claim that there should be stronger commitments from institutions, which, instead, are inside the system and “have their hands tied” for some issues.
- Main values and objectives
This project for those who are involved is interpreted as an “incubator of ideas”, a “democratic space” where everyone is free to share initiatives, opportunities and knowledges to reach a shared objective. All the participants underline the role of the institutions, but at the same time, they agree that it is the civic society that makes the discussion table of Nutrire Trento active and stimulating. This table meets monthly and has a variable composition, according to the interest of the issue chosen. They decided to make it informal so that they could easily change what did not work along the process. The only requirement to participate is to live in the territory of the municipality of Trento. After a first phase more theoretical and dialogical, now Nutrire Trento is concretively active. In particular, during the first Lockdown for the Pandemic, Nutrire Trento Phase 2 has begun: a project of delivering local food that connected producers and consumers directly to avoid waste and support the local businesses. After this first pilot, the Community-Supported Agriculture “Naturalmente in Trentino” was created, mostly thanks to the will and desire of the producers who have concretized it.
Sociality and solidarity are a fundamental part of the project: participants talk about “a big family” and of “a community” who puts aside differences to reach together “the common good”. Sociality is recorded in the act of purchasing and a sense of trust between the produces and the consumers develops. It can be seen as a social network among all the actors implied, where participants join for a word of mouth or for preexisting solidarities (Pilati, 2018). The network is important because it is not only internal but also external and it can connect Nutrire Trento with other similar experiences or expert figures with which debate or innovation might be established. Another fundamental function of the project is the education and sensibilization to a more aware and sustainable production and consumption. The project aims to problematize the issue of food by training through open discussions, but also through concrete practices, as the ones created in occasion of the CSA meetings. Indeed, the table helped participants to better understand certain dynamics and then to change their habits and lifestyle, for example in terms of waste reduction. Something that pushes NT participants to promote education to these themes even at school, to incorporate a habitus of simple sustainable practices from an early age. Furthermore, the direct relationship between producers and consumers – who are called “eaters” within the CSA to avoid the idea of consuming, and the passivity that this term recalls – creates a space for curiosity, information and contact with the products. In this way, they understand what is behind the simple good and they can realize that for example “in April there is no fruit”, in contrast with the false perception the supermarkets give of having everything at every moment in the year, loosing the idea of seasonality.
- Limits and critical issues
As such, the CSA can be a resource for ecological transitions. It is true, however, that it implies a bigger engagement in terms of both time dedicated, and economic resources: producers are supported in all their activity through a pre-financing so that they have a backup in case of adverse climate or bad harvest. Anyway, by agreeing before with the costumer on the amount needed there is no waste. The criticism is that for the moment being part of a CSA “is not for everyone” because of some hidden cost that hinders the accessibility. In this regard, the support of the institutions has been fundamental: on one side, the municipality has invested but also promoted it, by increasing the range of possible receivers, on the other, the University shared knowledge and scientific resources, facilitating relations among the parties implied. Nevertheless, if this role of guarantee is appreciated, there is also a sense in which the council’s involvement implied some rigidity and less democracy. This leads to the political dimension: the decision of being part of Nutrire Trento is recognized as political, but apart from that, what is interesting is that they give more importance to the possibility of creating an alternative, instead of demanding change from existing institutions.
Finally, coming to the critical points and future challenges of the projects, one recurrent problem that emerges from discussion with participants is the accessibility of this initiative to all citizens. If it is true that from the first data collected of the CSA, participants don’t come necessarily from the world of political consumerism, they have anyway a disposable income and a high level of education: it seems then that there are some entry barriers for some segments of the population. Institution could work to support lower income and fragile subjects, in terms of education and sensibilization to make this opportunity at least known and possible.
- Overall assessment and opportunities for replication
Concerning the spread of this initiative, the external network is fundamental to adapt this paradigm to other territories, starting from their specificities. Anyway, its effectiveness in contrasting the mass retail distribution remains an open question.
- Methods
The entry is based on interviews carried out with people involved in the Nutrire Trento table, including producers, consumer-activists and local administrators.
References
Dal Gobbo, A., Forno, F. (2020). Shopping for a Sustainable Future: The Promises of a Collectively Planned Consumption in Forno, F., Weiner, R. R. (edited by), Sustainable Community Movement Organizations: Solidarity Economies and Rhizomatic Practices, Londra: Routledge, 2020, p. 72-88. – ISBN: 9780367342234
Forno, F., Maurano, S. (2016). Cibo, sostenibilità e territorio. dai sistemi di approvvigionamento alternativi ai food policy councils. Rivista Geografica Italiana. 123. 1-20.
Koski, C., Siddiki, S. et al. (2016) Representation in Collaborative Governance: A case Study of a Food Policy Council. American Review of Public Administration, 48(4) 359-373
Schlosberg, D. (2019): From postmaterialism to sustainable materialism: the environmental politics of practice-based movements, Environmental Politics, DOI: 10.1080/09644016.2019.1587215
Appendix
Image 1 Tasting at the first meeting of the CSA
Image 2 example of “fruit-horticulture”
Image 3 Children at one of the CSA meetings
Image 4 The CSA visits one of the local producers
Domingos J. Langa
Mozambique has one of Africa’s longest coastlines and communities facing climate and human-related challenges. The government has established specific ministries to coordinate environmental issues—the Ministry for Environmental Coordination, which was renamed the Ministry for Environment in 2020—as well as agencies such as the National Institute for Natural Calamities to implement emergency responses. In 2019, cyclones Kenneth and Idai hit Mozambique’s central and northern regions, igniting already ongoing debates about the country’s preparedness to deal with climate change in general and natural disasters in particular. These events have left devastation in their wake and exposed environmental and social vulnerabilities linked to climate or human- related treats.
However, in addition to government ministries and agencies, there have been community initiatives that predate the current government’s efforts to combat climate change. Communities have been displaced in the northern coastal communities of Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado Province because of a war that began in 2017 but became more visible in 2020 with more systematic attacks on civilians and intervention by other countries.
In the midst of an ongoing war, the long-term effects of natural disasters, and an influx of internally displaced people, I seek to understand how community-based organizations in the Northern Province of Cabo Delgado have dealt with climate change and what initiatives they have put in place to address natural resource management and environmental education. As a result, in order to understand local climate change initiatives, I will focus on AMA (Associação
Amigos do Meio Ambiente), a Mozambican non-governmental organization based in Cabo Delgado Province. The main questions are as follows:
- What specific aspects of climate change has the organization addressed? Is it a case of mitigation, adaptation, or both? Is it concerned with other aspects of climate change?
- What steps has the organization taken to address climate change?
Location: The Ama-Associação do Meio Ambiente initiative on climate change mitigation and adaptation is being implemented in Mecufi and Bandar, both in Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado Province.
Background and promoters: Ama has been is implementing a climate change adaptation and mitigation initiative in six coastal villages in Mozambique’s Mecufi district: Muitua, Murrebue, Maueia, Ngoma, Muinde, and Natuco. One of their main sources of income is artisanal fishing; another is agriculture. The initiative is a component of the project Enhancing coastal and marine socio-ecological resilience and biodiversity conservation in the Western Indian Ocean (Ama, 2022). Ama was established on May 19, 1990, as NUMA (Núcleo do Meio Ambiente) in the City of Pemba, Province of Cabo Delgado, and was recognized and authorized to operate by the Governor of the Province on January 31, 1991. This organization was founded by a group of young people motivated by a desire to protect environmental resources harmed by erosion, indiscriminate forest clearing, and the slaughter of protected species of animals (AMA, 2016, p.3).
Beneficiaries: According to reports, the initiative aims to improve the livelihoods of coastal communities in Cabo Delgado Province that are being impacted by climate change in two ways: increased fishing challenges and challenges in developing other sources of income. As a result, fishermen, community fishing councils (CCPs), and grupos de viveiristas [nursery groups] are the primary beneficiaries of the initiatives (Ama, 2022; Ama, 2021).
Engagement with climate change:
Over time, communities have reported that marine and fishing resources have become increasingly scarce. In collaboration with community savings and loan associations, the initiative focuses on mangrove restoration and livelihoods (ACPEs). This initiative trained ACPEs members in small businesses so that they could diversify their income and improve their living conditions. During the Mangal’s restoration, a group of nurserymen in Muinde was formed with the primary goal of producing seedlings and planting mangroves in their region (Ama, 2022).
This initiative has also educated community councils on the basics of identifying protected species and the value of co-management plans in their communities. The initiative focuses on biodiversity conservation and protection, as well as community participation in coastal protection. As a result, this initiative has addressed both climate change mitigation and adaptation.
Values and objectives:
Environmental education, environmental preservation, ecosystem defense and protection, the protection of endangered species, and the enhancement of animal, plant, and microbial life for ecosystem balance are the primary values.The main objectives of the initiatives are:
- Involvement of women in the co-management of marine resources.
- Strengthening the community’s savings capacity.
- Strengthening the capacity to raise funds through payments for ecosystem services.
- Recovery of degraded areas through the planting of mangroves
- Provision of alternative means of subsistence. Timeline: In 2019, AMA began implementing the initiatives. The project will run from 2019 to 2023.
Visible Effects:
Community councils and community savings and loan associations have begun to save and establish small businesses. Furthermore, they have grown and planted seedlings. Crab fattening has spread throughout communities (Ama, 2022; Ama, 2021).
The initiative has also created two co-management plans and submitted them to the Ministry of Sea, Inland Waters, and Fishing (MIMAIP) for approval (Ama, 2022).
Actors involved:
Communities, Ama, and district governments are the main actors.
Limits:
There are two major constraints to the initiative:
- First, the initiative is being implemented in the coastal districts of Cabo Delgado Province, with a particular emphasis on the District of Mecúfi. Ama is a non-profit organization. As a result, the initiative is well located and limited in scope in terms of geographic scope. That is, it does not include other coastal districts.
- Second, increasing the initiative’s institutional capacity in terms of human resources and community support is required.
The initiative has two major constraints:
- First, the initiative is being implemented in the coastal districts of Cabo Delgado Province, with a focus on the District of Mecúfi in particular. Ama is a service organization. As a result, in terms of geographic scope, the initiative is well located and limited in scope. That is, it excludes other coastal districts.
- Second, expanding the initiative necessitates an increase in Ama’s institutional capacity in terms of human resources and community support.
- Finally, the ongoing-armed conflict in Cabo Delgado Province makes it difficult to expand the initiative. As a result, one of the primary concerns is security.
Critical Points:
- For example, in activities such as crab fattening, one of the critical points is community ownership (Ama, 2021, p. 3).
- The ongoing-armed conflict in Cabo Delgado Province has raised security concerns and hampered the initiative’s growth. As a result, the initiatives are in jeopardy.
Replicability: Organizations in the Mozambican provinces of Inhambane, Nampula, and Maputo have expressed interest in replicating the initiative. Countries interested in replicating the initiative include Seychelles, Kenya, and Tanzania.
Broader changes AMA has been advocating for the recognition of fishing rights by Community Fisheries Councils (CCPs). Two laws were revised, namely the Biodiversity Conservation Law and the Fisheries Law. These laws already include fishing rights for CCPs.
References
- Ama-Associação do Meio Ambiente (2022) Report. Enhancing coastal and marine socio- ecological resilience and biodiversity conservation in the Western Indian Ocean. Pemba, Cabo Delgado, Mozambique.
- Ama-Associação do Meio Ambiente (2022) Strategic Areas of Intervention. Available at: https://ama-amigosdaterra.org/strategic-areas-of-intervention/ [last access date 24 February, 2022]
- Ama-Associação do Meio Ambiente (2021) Relatório de Monitoria de Engorda de Caranguejo. Pemba, Cabo Delgado, Moçambique.
- Ama-Associação do Meio Ambiente (2016) Plano Estratégico da ama. Aprovado em Pemba, 10 de Dezembro 2016. Pemba.
- Ama-Associação do Meio Ambiente (2013) General Presentation of ama History: objectives, areas Strategies – Projects. Available at: https://amaamigosdaterra.files.wordpress.com/2013/12/general-presentation-ama- english-2013.pdf [last access date 24 February, 2022]
Bayartsetseg Terbish
Department of Sociology and Social Work
National University of Mongolia
Email: bayartsetseg@num.edu.mn
Climate change issues are at stake in Mongolia as nearly as 80 percent of its territory is under threat of desertification due to excessive use of pastureland and decreasing level of precipitation (Dorj et al, 2013). When it comes to urban areas, air and soil pollution is vividly considered the major issues among other human induced climate concerns including waste management and reduced green areas in the city (Legal Info, 2011). Rapidly growing urbanization and rural-urban migration have been considered one of the major contributing factors to such pollution as tremendous number of former pastoralist Mongolians face limited choice but to migrate to the capital city for accessing better formal resources such as education for their children and employment for themselves (Terbish et al, 2020). Extreme climate conditions of drought and cold winter with snow blizzards also pushed pastoralist herders migrating to settle (in)formally in peri-urban settlements referred to as ger areas, where many are caught up in the intersection of poverty and social inequality (International Organization for Migration, 2019).
Expansion of ger area is often targeted as problem area as these settlements are often considered the major causes of persistent social and ecological problems, as well as the main sources of air smog as ger residents burn coal throughout winter (Naranzul & Sarnai, 2018; UNICEF, 2019). Despite the fact that the Government of Mongolia and donor organizations are taking varying measures to combat air and soil pollution in Ulaanbaatar, considerable changes have not been observed to date. Nurturing positive changes through an integrated governance to reduce climatic issues is not the only controversy faced in Mongolia but it is related to an absence of an integrated approach to climate governance which has not yet developed globally as the nature of climate issues vary considerably city by city (Bulkeley & Broto, 2013). In particular, initiatives that are authentically grown from grassroots organizations and individuals are sporadic at best, particularly in Mongolia, and much is left to be done in the fight against climate change and raising awareness among communities.
Photo 1: Air pollution is apparent not only in winter. Photo by the author, fall 2021
Ger areas in Mongolia represents a balance between pastoralist historical past with the rapid urbanization and areas are legally recognized by the Government of Mongolia in terms of land entitlement and settlement development (Hamiduddin, 2021). As such, these settlements areas are not identical to ‘slums’ as some may assume. Nearly half of the total population of Mongolia (3.4 mill) reside in ger areas today where households burn coal briquettes on the stove regularly to keep warmth during the bitterly cold winter in Ulaanbaatar (Terbish et al, 2020). Population of Mongolia is relatively young with about 63 percent of total population being aged under 35 and, undoubtedly, considerable number of them live in ger areas (Policy Watch, 2019). Pollution in ger areas, especially air pollution, have an impact on educational achievement of children and youth as it detrimentally impacts the health and safety of the youngsters in Ulaanbaatar (UNICEF, 2019).
One of the policy approaches by the Government of Mongolia towards ger areas continue to be re-development by gentrifying ger areas with high rise apartments in central parts and to redesign middle and peripheral zones with detached houses (Parliament of Mongolia, 2014). Ger residents, however, find this policy approach controversial as many face affordability issues in this redevelopment process whereas some others prefer living on their land with improved management of heating, water, electricity and sanitation arrangements. A modernist approach towards urban renewal such as this may further segregate the city, creating a divide between those who are capable and less capable (Godfrey, 2019). In addition, re-making of the urban areas without understanding what locals truly want also has a danger of creating more situations of “urban space held by the administration” (Sedrez, 2014, 113).
Notwithstanding the fact of some negative climate effects associated with rural-urban migration and expansion of ger areas in Ulaanbaatar, the focus of this story is either to criticize the migrants nor the unprecedented urbanization process currently at stake. But, rather, it is to highlight one of the local initiatives driven by Public Lab Mongolia (PLM)[1]– a local non-governmental organization (NGO) that is working towards raising awareness on air quality by equipping Mongolian youth with the technology, training and resources to find the answers to questions they have about air quality. Guided by the Hannigan Air Quality and Technology Research Lab in the Mechanical Engineering Department of the University of Colorado and Department of Environment and Forest Engineering at the National University of Mongolia, this NGO has been conducting an AQIQ program that employs an STEM-based curriculum since 2020 by training 8-12 graders at three piloted high schools in Ulaanbaatar and six additional schools in Central and Western provinces, as air pollution is also apparent beyond the capital city. Equipped with the user-friendly air quality measuring devices called Y-Pods, nearly 180 adolescents were mentored to assess not only indoor and outdoor air quality, but they were also open to explore other pollutants and human practices (hair dye, nail polish, air freshener, shoe polish, washing detergent) that have some harmful effect in human and environmental health. Some projects developed by adolescents measured emissions from cars, with a recommendation for adults shifting to electric or hybrid car uses whereas other project examined pollutants from washing detergents, raising awareness on checking pollutants and emissions contained in a powdered detergents we use daily.
Photo 2: Poster developed by youth from Arkhangai province. Source: Public Lab Mongolia, 2022
Youth demonstrated greater level of aspiration in learning basic research skills and became aware of elementary knowledge in climate change and adaptation strategies through this program. It is expected that participants of this program dispatch their awareness and knowledge further to their peers and family members to start with the change at the micro scale to a greater activity towards community education for a climate justice. Starting small is significant as PLM believes, to acknowledge and to localize the climate change acts through bottom-up approach, so that we avoid the risk of cliché on climate topic among general public as many still do not believe the possibility for climate apocalypse (Swyngedouw, 2013).
Through these three years of implementation, educational bureau of the respective districts and provinces were supportive of this initiative and assisted the PLM in piloting schools for a smooth implementation of the program. Through this program, PLM hopes to prepare future air quality advocates and educators in their respective communities by instilling critical thinking and science-based reasoning skills in today’s youth.
Reference
Bulkeley, H., Broto, V.C. (2013). Government by experiment? Global cities and the governing of climate change. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 38, 361-375. doi: 10.1111/j.1475-5661.2012.00535.
Dorj, O., Enkhbold, M., Lkhamyanjin, Kh., Mijiddorj, A., Nosmoo, A., Puntsagnamjil, M., Sainjargal, U. (2013). Mongolia: Country features, the main causes of desertification and remediation efforts. In G.A Heshmati & V.R Squires (Eds.), Combating desertification in Asia, Africa and Middle East. (pp.217-229). Springer Dordrecht.
Godfrey, B. J. (2012). Urban renewal, favelas, and Guanabara bay: Environmental justice and sustainability in Rio De Janeiro. In. Vojnovic.I (Ed.). Urban Sustainability: A Global perspective. (pp.359-368). USA: Michigan University Press.
Hamiduddin, I., Fitzpatrick, D., Plueckhahn, R., Sangi, U., Batjargal, E., & Sumiyasuren, E. (2021).Social sustainability and Ulaanbaatar’s ‘ger districts’: Access and mobility issues and opportunities. Sustainability, 13, 11470. https://doi.org/10.3390/su132011470
International Organization for Migration (July, 2019). IOM, Mongolia Build Displacement Tracking Capacity to Prepare for Natural Disasters. https://www.iom.int/news/iom-mongolia-build-displacement-tracking-capacity-prepare-natural-disasters
Legal Info (2011). National program against climate change. https://legalinfo.mn/mn/detail?lawId=203357&showType=1
Naranzul, B., Sarnai, G. (2018). A Brief on air pollution. Ulaanbaatar: Admon Printing.
Parliament of Mongolia (2014) Development Strategy for Ulaanbaatar City – 2020 and development approaches for 2030. https://policy.asiapacificenergy.org/node/2723
Policy Watch. (2019). Right to education for youth in ger areas of Ulaanbaatar: Efficiency of the state service delivery. https://www.policywatch.mn/equalsociety4childrenyouth.html
Sedrez, L. (2014). Constructing and de-constructing communities: Tales of urban injustice and resistance in Brazil and South Africa. In The Edges of environmental history: Honoring Jane Carruthers. (pp. 113-116). Rachel Carson Center.
Swyngedouw, E. (2013). Apocalypse now! Fear and doomsday pleasures. Capitalism Nature Socialism, 24(1), 9-18, DOI: 10.1080/10455752.2012.7592
Terbish, B., Lietaert, I & Roets, J. (2020). Shifting senses of solidarity and belonging in the internal migration pathways of citizens in ger areas in Ulaanbaatar: A social work perspective. International Social Work. 1–14. doi.org/10.1177%2F0020872820927768
UNICEF (United Nations Children’s Fund, 2019). The impact of climate change on education in Mongolia. Ulaanbaatar: UNICEF Mongolia Country Office.
Thais Palermo Buti
Introduction
Ort9 is an urban garden and public park located in Casal Brunori, a residential neighborhood in the outskirts of Rome. Before being turned into a park, the space was used as a landfill. This text tells the process that the local actors (NGO and neighborhood committee) engaged to recover a neglected urban public space and to give it back to the community.
Parco Ort9: place, characteristics, and actors involved
The initiative is implemented in the residential neighborhood Casal Brunori, in the outskirts of Rome, Italy1. Its institutional promoters are the NGO Vivere In… and the Neighborhood Committee.
The NGO was born in 2006, starting from the initiative of a group of friends who decided to commit themselves to enhance the neighborhood. As reported in a 2018 news story on Repubblica website: “From the cleaning of the green areas to the parties organized to fill the absence of moments of socialization, over the years they have created initiatives to mend the social fabric. In the neighborhood there is a lack of meeting places and while the elderly suffer from the lack of services, families move with their car to other areas of the city, in search of spaces for free time.
Sergio Albani, founding member of the association, had been looking hopefully at one of the large green fields of Casal Brunori, reduced to a landfill, since 2006: among the tall grass there were refrigerators, televisions, even safes abandoned after the thefts. Albani dreamed that instead of decay there were gardens and the Ort9 park is dedicated to him, who disappeared before seeing the idea of him become reality” (De Ghantuz, 2018).
1 The district extends immediately outside the Grande Raccordo Anulare to the south and is between via Pontina and via Cristoforo Colombo. The total inhabitants are 4,361 and the commercial activities around 50.
The process for the creation of the urban gardens and the public park was slow and gradual. Formally, it began with the sending by Vivere In to the Municipality of Rome, in 2005, of a draft of an architectural project, proposing the creation of the gardens in the space then occupied by the landfill. But it was only in 2015 that the Municipality, accepting a proposal sent by the Council of Culture of the 9th district of Rome, agreed to participate in the Sidig-med European project, which made it possible to obtain the necessary funds for the start of the works in the area, 12,000 square meters. Vivere In… NGO was the operational promoter of the project, and this association was entrusted with the management of the Ort9-Sergio Albani Park in February 2017.
Currently, Ort9 is a public park with 107 individual urban garden plots, in addition to shared plots. The park has an automated irrigation system through driplines, shared mechanical and manual tools, as well as public restrooms, barbecues, and indoor or outdoor socializing areas. The park is always open and it is considered a European Best Practice in urban regeneration (Parco Ort9, n.d.).
1 Ort9 Sergio Albani urban garden. www.viverein.org
The role of the citizenship and the local authorities
The creation of the park would not have been possible without the support of the local authorities, specifically the 9th District, which gave Vivere In NGO the concession for the management of the space, also entrusting the Association with the cleaning of the green area surrounding – service for which the NGO gets no compensation.
Other actors involved are the Council of Culture of the 9th District of Rome, the Local Health Agency (ASL), which uses part of the shared lots for the treatment of people with mental illness or former drug addicts, and some public schools in the neighborhood, which use the plots for practical educational workshops. The Council of Culture of the Rome 9th District played a crucial role especially in the launch of the initiative (see point “timeline”).
But the main actors of the whole process are the inhabitants of the neighborhood, who over the years have pursued a common project. As declared by the President of Vivere In, Filippo Cioffi, in an interview to Urlo Web, “these gardens are not the ultimate goal, but the tool to recapture the territory and enhance it. They, even if individually managed, allow people to share a common idea and the use of the spaces allows the neighborhood to be redeveloped”. Cioffi also recalled the disappearance of prostitution phenomena, in addition to the evident arrangement of the area, previously hosting an open-air landfill that the citizens themselves have reclaimed. “To speed up a too slow bureaucracy – continued Cioffi – we ourselves took away the abandoned refrigerators and had the land analyzed, two indispensable factors to be able to start the gardens” (Savelli, 2017).
The timeline and the effects of the initiative
2006 – Vivere In NGO presents a draft proposal for the accommodation of the area to the Municipal
Administration.
2015 – the Council of Culture of the 9th District presents to the Municipality of Rome, in collaboration with Vivere In and with the involvement of the Casal Brunori District Committee, a project of the Constitution of the “ORT9” Committee of the District IX, to “actively promote a network of associations present in the area, coordinated by the Deputy Presidency of the District IX, as a technical-administrative reference point, functional to the realization of future projects of urban social gardens in urban and peri-urban areas of the Municipality of Rome” (STIFINI, 2015).
The goal was to actively collaborate in the “realization of the ORT9 Pilot Urban Garden of the 9th District, as a model of excellence for the city of Rome, developed as part of the international project 4
SIDIG-MED, financed by the European Commission, with the aim of developing a model of good governance of urban and peri-urban agrarian/agricultural areas in the Mediterranean, the promotion of social and intercultural dialogue in and between the 4 urban realities involved: city of Rome (Italy), Barcelona (Spain), Mahdia (Tunisia) and Al – Balgua (Jordan)” (STIFINI, 2015).
The 2015 proposal of the Council of Culture to the Municipality of Rome was, in effect, an invitation to participate in the EU tender which would have allowed, subsequently, to obtain the necessary funds for the start of the works.
2016 – the reclamation of the area begins
2017 – inauguration of the urban garden (individual and shared plots)
2021 – expansion of the garden and creation of other facilities (plots for wheelchair users and people with visual impairments; lighting; barbecue area; squares)
The beneficiaries of the initiative
The beneficiaries of the park is the population of Casal Brunori neighborhood in general, who can access a public park that is always open, and more specifically the 110 families assigned to individual urban gardens (originally 107 families and since 2021, 3 families of wheelchair users). School pupils and people subjected to health treatment who use shared gardens are also direct beneficiaries.
The main objectives and values of the initiative
The aspirations with the creation of the park can be summarized in the sentence expressed by the District Committee in its presentation, and which is based on the creation of value for the whole territory: “to bring an example of ‘being together’, a rediscovered feeling of sharing, a way to regain possession of the territory, an area previously abandoned and returned to people, a rediscovered scent of beauty” (Il parco, 2020).
In concrete terms, the goals, which have been achieved, are to recover about 12km2 of public space that has become an illegal landfill to return it to the community.
Limits of the initiative
According to Filippo Cioffi, President of Vivere In, the institutional limits have arisen from the distrust of the Municipal Administration to formally allocate areas to social urban gardens even if regulated by the Master Plan in its Articles 75 and 85.
The physical limits are linked to the absence of specific funds for recovery, cleaning and executive planning of the community garden system. In the absence of a precise policy, the practice is to occupy the areas and self-finance its use, which creates uneven and non-homogeneous situations, instead of where the ideal situation of programming a governance model, an essential element for the correct management of spaces and the community.
A critical point mentioned by Mr. Cioffi is that the demand for urban gardens is much higher than the supply. Annual waivers between 10/15% fail to meet the continuing demand for assignments, which have exceeded 100% and continue to grow.
How the initiative engages with climate
(does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?)
From all the testimonies I have heard, and also from the interactions I have had with the people responsible for the care of the Park and the projects carried out by Vivere In NGO, I did not seem to glimpse, in the narratives, a connection between the park or only between urban gardens and initiatives to mitigate or adapt to climate change. On the part of public institutions and promoters of the initiative, there is a call for environmental sustainability, urban regeneration and commons.
The main dimensions that emerge in the stories, as positive points and reasons for the success of the initiative (which has won several prizes as a good practice of urban regeneration), are those relating to the sociality that the Park provides, and to the recovery of contact with nature, as well as the aspects of decorum of the urban space, removed from neglect to be usable again by the citizens of the neighborhood. Further positive effects of urban gardens are related to health and education, due to the partnerships with the Local Health Agency and with some schools.
Therefore, the connection between climate change and the Park can only be made in the context of analysis and interpretation, but it does not seem to emerge from the third sector organizations and from the local authorities involved or from the direct beneficiaries. The reason for this deviation, in my opinion, is that climate change is still seen as a distant concept for most people, especially those who live in urban areas not particularly prone to extreme events. Thus the same local authorities and 6
grassroots organizations of the territory do not seem to conceptually include urban regeneration initiatives focused on the creation or recovery of green areas in the spectrum of measures to mitigate climate change.
Possible broader changes thanks to the initiative
As Filippo Cioffi explains, “the experience in the management of the Ort9-Sergio Albani Park and the governance model adopted by the Vivere In NGO was recognized as a European good practice in the panel ‘Resilient urban and peri-urban agriculture’ and is now shared, through the Ru:rban EU projects. The NGO participates of several platforms and projects and is a reference point in the community”.
The governance model could be replicated, but it could be constraint by the limits and characteristics of each local community. For sure many inhabitants of Casal Brunori have changed the way to interact with their territory and among each other. The quality of their lives has improved since they have the park and the urban gardens. So I suppose that even if the main promoter actor, Vivere In NGO, suspended its activities, it would leave a more engaged community. Even if the engagement is directly related to climate change, to retake contact with the own territory through participatory activities, even to reach what could appear like small goals (such as an urban garden), could contribute, in time, to create long-term awareness about climate change and its challenges.
Potential replicability in other settings
Urban gardens are an expanding reality in many large European cities and other continents. It is certainly a facility that can be replicated, as there are many residual spaces in the suburbs that could be converted into self-managed green areas for use by the community, which could host individual or shared garden plots.
However, there is a crucial aspect in the creation and management of urban gardens, which is linked to the ownership of the land. While in Rome most of the urban gardens are located on communal lands, the same does not necessarily occur in other cities, and in other countries.
To stay in European territory, in England, it is normal that groups of people or basic organizations interested in creating an urban garden, must negotiate with private individuals, with whom to stipulate an adequate contract (ie allotment, license, lease) in order to create the garden and be adequately
protected from a legal point of view (Leases, 2020).
Rome is perhaps a city particularly full of abandoned public places which, with the stubbornness of the grassroots communities, a lot of patience and a bit of luck in identifying and maintaining dialogue with the institutional interlocutor, can be recovered and reintroduced for the benefit of community.
The first challenge, in general, is to find the land (which includes the analysis of practical issues related to the slope, the sun, the presence of water, etc.). Then there are the legal aspects of its management. Not to mention the need to analyze all aspects related to the community’s relationship with space. If we are talking about a regulated space (ie not an occupation), it will probably be necessary to set up a legal entity to manage it. The cohesion of the community and its ability to know how to deal with obstacles, to know how to dialogue with local authorities and other stakeholders in the area, is certainly a fundamental question when thinking about the replicability of an urban garden (Da Luz, 2020).
We can find still other differences in urban garden management in a metropolis such as São Paulo, Brazil, a country that presents enormous problems related to land ownership and management, and where family farming and small farmers are relegated to the second category in terms of investment in agriculture and of value perception. One great challenge is to rethink new systems of agricultural production, distribution and consumption, starting from the experiences of urban and peri-urban agriculture that have been taking place for years in the outskirts of the city.
The experience of San Paolo is different from that of Rome, where the growers of urban gardens – normally organized in non-profit associations – are not allowed to sell the crops. Thus, in Rome it remains an activity linked to self-consumption and the urban garden is conceived more like social innovation and urban/environmental regeneration activities rather than a way to overturn production systems.
There are several vulnerable areas in São Paolo where, through urban gardens, a process of recovery of green areas has been triggered, in a process that sees the suburbs at the forefront both in the production of food and in environmental preservation. But in São Paulo there are huge problems with access to land, water and an optimal logistics system for distribution.
An interesting aspect in the experiences of urban agriculture in São Paulo, reported by Fernando de Mello Franco, director of URBEM, is that due to the high cost of land, production must find underused, residual urban spaces. Areas of abandoned oil pipelines and electrical systems, industrial warehouses, empty parking lots, floors of large buildings, re-signify the residues of production and consumption of the city (De Mello, 2020).
In San Paolo as in Rome, the new dynamics bring back the old debate on the dichotomies between nature and culture, which today takes on the contours of the differentiations between countryside and city, between urban and rural, which are increasingly blurred.
Note about consensus: I declare that the President of Vivere IN NGO, Mr. Filippo Cioffi, gave me permission to publish the interview he granted me.
References:
Casal Brunori, gli orti urbani diventano un parco: “I lavori sono già partiti”. (2021, February 16). Roma Today. https://www.romatoday.it/zone/eur/spinaceto/orti-urbani-casal-brunori-parco-ort9- trasformazione.html
Da Luz Ferreira, Jaqueline (Coord.) (2020, November). Mais perto do que se imagina: os desafios da produção de alimentos na metrópole de São Paulo. Instituto Escolhas. São Paulo.
De Ghantuz Cubbe, Marina. (2018, September 05). Viaggio nei quartieri, Casal Brunori: dove c’era una discarica adesso c’è l’orto collettivo. https://roma.repubblica.it/cronaca/2018/09/05/news/dove_c_era_una_discarica_adesso_c_e_l_orto_ collettivo-300883075/
De Mello Franco, Fernando. (2020, November 27). Seminario Desafios Politicas Publicas Agricultura Urbana e Periurbana. Folha de São Paulo, Instituto Escolhas, e URBEM. Evento virtual. https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/seminariosfolha/2020/11/producao-local-e-capaz-de-abastecer-sao- paulo-afirmam-debatedores.shtml
Grilli, F. (2016, July 19). Casal Brunori: in attesa degli orti crescono i rifiuti ingombranti. Roma Today. https://www.romatoday.it/zone/eur/spinaceto/casal-brunori-bonifica-area-verde-orti- urbani.html
Grilli, F. (2018, May 03). Casal Brunori, gli orti solidali conquistano tutti: vinto anche il Best Practice Award 2018. Roma Today. https://www.romatoday.it/zone/eur/orti-urbani-casal-brunori- best-practice-award.html
Il parco ad ORTI di Casal Brunori…un VALORE per tutto il territorio. (2020, February 19). Casal Brunori. https://www.casalbrunori.org/aree-verdi/il-parco-ad-orti-di-casal-brunori-un-valore-per- tutto-il-territorio/
Leases and Licences; Negotiating Land. Community Land. (2020, October). Advisory Service Cymru. GardeniserPro. Green House Social Farms&Gardens.
Orto Inclusivo. (2020, December 8). Vivere In. https://www.viverein.org/sezioni/progetti/orto- inclusivo/
Parco Ort9 – Sergio Albani Casal Brunori. (n.d). Gardeneiser. https://gardeniser.eu/en/urban- garden/parco-ort9-sergio-albani-casal-brunori
PRG – Piano Regolatore Generale – Artt.75. e 85. Nuova Infrastruttura Cartografica (NIC). https://www.comune.roma.it/TERRITORIO/nic-gwt/
Savelli, Serena. (2017, September 21). Gli orti urbani di Casal Brunori diventano realtà. Urlo Web. https://urloweb.com/municipi/municipio-ix/gli-orti-urbani-di-casal-brunori-diventano-realta/
Stifini, Andrea. (2015, September). Progetto Ort9. Consulta della Cultura del Municipio Roma IX EUR. Cultura IX. http://www.cultura9.it/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2015/09/ORT9.pdf .
Dian Indrawati
General
After the 1800s, the grassroots community’s environmental movement is blooming under a new ideology: conservation (Prize, 2022). As the public becomes more aware and concerned about water and its problems, conservation has become a new spirit for the grassroots movement, especially seeking to harvest the rainfall efficiently.
The euphoria of the conservation idea, which resulted in rainwater harvesting through grassroots activities, also occurred in Indonesia. As a result, a people’s movement aimed to keep water as long as possible became popular. One of the primary organizations which promoted this idea is Indonesia Rain Harvesting Movement (GMHI). Next, GMHI resulted in “Saleuwi” and additional rain harvesting movements in Indonesia.
Implemented area of movement
Rainwater harvesting has uncomplicated technology which can be applied in numerous countries, in both developed and developing ones (Velasco-Muñoz, Aznar-Sánchez, Batlles-delaFuente, & Fidelibus, 2019) (Sadia Rahman, Din, Biswas, & Shirazi, 2014) (Dwivedi, Patil, & Karankal, 2013) (Awawdeh, Al-Shraideh, Al-Qudah, & Jaradat, 2012). Along with the scarcity hazard due to intensifying climate, rainwater harvesting has become a favorable option because it can be executed even in communities with low technological and institutional capacity.
After more than a decade, GMHI has spread almost all over Indonesia, even scattered. Recently, this movement has grown to include more than 10 (ten) cities, namely: Sleman, Klaten, Sukoharjo, Purwokerto, Brebes and Semarang (Central Java); Malang and Jombang (East Java); Cimahi (West Java); Padang (West Sumatera); Buton (South East Sulawesi); Ternate (North Maluku); and Manokwari (West Papua).
Promoters and beneficiaries
Dr-Ing. Ir. Agus Maryono, a lecturer from Gadjah Mada University (UGM), became the man behind the Rain Harvesting Movement for Indonesia (GMHI). Even though sporadic, this activity was successfully implemented and developed in more than 25 communities due to rain harvesting technology and allied fields.
GMHI is very beneficial for both users and their environment and downstream area. This community successfully provided clean water for households and reduced the runoff.
People used clean water for drinking water, garden watering, toilet flushing, laundry usage, replenishing domestic pools or spas, car washing, supplying the hot water system, thermal buffers to insulate houses, ventilation for building, and protecting homes from bushfires (Tanks, 2022). In addition, reducing runoff from upstream will defer the amount of water and directly reduce peak discharge downstream.
Climate change engagement
Based on an interview with Dr. Agus Maryono, the founder of GMHI, the project was born because he was concerned about the drainage systems in Indonesia. At that time, Indonesia’s drainage approach mostly drained the water from inundating locations as soon as possible. This concept addressed two significant problems.
First, the downstream area collected large sums of water from the upstream. Therefore, it leads to expensive infrastructures and maintenance, especially for urban areas such as Jakarta, Semarang, Surabaya, and Palembang, because a large amount of water downstream needs high-cost and complex technologies for management. Unfortunately, the Government of the Republic of Indonesia, especially the Ministry of Public Works and Housing, has a limited budget due to drainage system development.
Second, runoff water did not have enough time to infiltrate upstream during the rainy season. This action causes upstream areas to suffer from water scarcity during the dry season.
Furthermore, as Indonesian development increases, multiple factors have decreased water quality both on the surface and sub-surface. People tend to consume clean water provided by the government or private companies instead of using water directly from its sources.
Due to those problems, Dr-Ing. Ir. Agus Maryono introduced a new system called rainwater harvesting. The system has been applied in developed countries, such as the US, Canada, Australia, and Germany, and successfully managed the rainfall and runoff in the river basin.
Along with climate change, when rainfall intensifies, runoff becomes a new monster because of the large amounts of water in the system. This monster haunted every rainfall occurrence and is not explicitly associated with the rainy season. Another problem due to climate change phenomena is that the dry season sometimes becomes more prolonged than usual. Taken together, GMHI provided an excellent wave to manage rainwater carefully.
Therefore, this movement not only deals with drainage systems in normal conditions but is also very engaged with climate change phenomena.
What are the main objectives?
The main objectives of GMHI are reducing the runoff from the minor scale: household and other roof building; and providing clean water for households, as previously mentioned.
What are the main values?
The central values of GMHI are scaling up people’s awareness regarding water treatment and management, especially rainfall, and tackling climate change through simple but reliable actions.
What is the timeline?
GMHI started conceptually in 2005 but first was developed in 2010 at Gadjah Mada University (UGM), Indonesia, especially at Engineering System Building (MST) building at Gadjah Mada University. In 2014, Dr. Agus and his colleagues in the water harvesting community created a WhatsApp group, and by 2018 the first congress of GMHI was held. Lastly, the 4th congress had carried out on 5-6 March 2022.
Source : courtesy Dr-Ing. Agus Maryono, 2022
Figure 1 The #4 congress of GMHI
In 2022, GMHI has more than 25 communities scattered across Indonesia, i.e: Komunitas Sedekah Air Hujan Sleman, Komunitas Banyu Bening Sleman, Komunitas Kandang Hujan Klaten, Komunitas Tahta Air Langit Jakarta, Komunitas Air Hujan Jombang, Komunitas Air Hujan Buton, Komunitas Air Hujan Padang, Komunitas Air Makmur Sukoharjo, Komunitas Air Hujan Banjarmasin, Komunitas Banyu Bening Puspo Sukoharjo, etc. This organization has been formed and will be inaugurated soon in Purwokerto, Ternate, Manokwari, Malang, Brebes, and Semarang.
Are there already visible effects?
The GMHI successfully offers great benefits for Indonesia, which can be divided into short, medium, and long terms. GMHI successfully provides fresh water for applicant households and their neighborhood in the short term. For the medium one, they promote their success stories to their relatives, colleagues, and the media. And for a long time, GMHI has hoped to be able to escalate awareness among people in Indonesia about water resources, especially rainwater.
Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
One of the exciting parts of GMHI is that everybody who is involved becomes an actor. This scheme gives government officers, lecturers, and private company employees equal positions. So educational background isn’t a severe problem, as long as they are committed to the movement and can spend some personal time on organizational campaigns.
So far, 34 (thirty-four) water resources agencies (BWS/BBWS) from the Ministry of Public Works and Housing have participated in and applied the rainwater harvesting system. In addition, the Watershed Agency from the Ministry of Forestry (BPDAS) has distributed more than 100 tanks for people who live in the upstream areas.
In the educational sector, Universitas Jenderal Achmad Yani (UNJANI), Universitas Gadjah Mada (UGM), and Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB) have become pioneers at each location and consistently spread the values of rainwater harvesting through their community service agendas.
Aside from them, more than 25 communities are involved, as previously mentioned. They come from various backgrounds, such as farmers, entrepreneurs, teachers, private employees, doctors, engineers, etc.
Limitation of the movement
Even before becoming a mainstream movement, the grassroots movements usually deal with several problems, such as local-specific yet widely-applicable; appropriate to yet transforming situations; project-based solutions yet seeking structural change; grassroots ingenuity; empowering inclusion; structural critique; and spaces for reflexive pluralities. (Smith, Fressoli, & Thomas, 2012).
Yet, GMHI also struggled with those kinds of problems. First, the technology of rainwater harvesting became very specific and must vary because of the environmental conditions of each area. Each location has its technology, which sometimes is not applicable in other places. For example, in Papua, the rainwater harvesting system only has a tank without any treatment activities. So, they have poor minerals compared with the system in Java.
Second, the implications and perspectives of the movement are also linear with the background and situation of the user. Some movements think they have different versions of GMHI, though they are also harvesting the rainfall. We believe many other movements have similar ideas to GMHI but refused to join and act personally.
Third, as with other grassroots movements in Indonesia, GMHI is generally sensitive to budgeting. People tend to refuse to spend money on developing rainwater harvesting systems in their communities. Only a few people are willing to invest money to build their rainwater harvesting. Based on a discussion with Dr. Agus regarding this issue, nowadays, we are waiting for a critical mass due to this program so that it will spread throughout Indonesia. In developed countries, there is an application for tax amnesty for the house or building which uses this system. That policy has been a critical point for a developing country like Indonesia.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible?
One limitation regarding grassroots movements is that we tend to ignore any newest innovation which can improve the technology. It also happened in the GMHI movement. So, most of the rainwater harvesting technology in Indonesia today was similar to the systems in place twenty years ago. Significant research needs to be conducted about this technology as happened in other countries, such as the US, India, China, South Africa, and the Netherlands (Velasco-Muñoz, Aznar-Sánchez, Batlles-delaFuente, & Fidelibus, 2019).
What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
Both Mr. Agus and I experienced no other problems with rainwater harvesting implementation.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
Indonesia has more than 17,000 islands, most of which are small islands with scarce water from rivers and groundwater but has an annual rainfall of about 3000-4000 mm per year. Therefore, Indonesia needs a system that can provide clean water with a minimum budget, mainly from rainwater. In addition, with our success stories from different environments, this system has the ultimate potential to be replicated and installed in other locations in Indonesia and around the globe.
However, the engineer should adjust the technology based on the natural characteristics and conditions of the specific location.
Conduciveness GMHI to broader changes in Indonesia
Nowadays, the GMHI becomes a machine to develop and combine similar actions due to rainwater harvesting as a people’s movement in Indonesia. Therefore, the project has an open-boundary system without formal bureaucracy, which is partially beneficial instead of limited.
For example, my colleagues and I in Universitas Jenderal Achmad Yani developed “Saleuwi” in the Cimahi area. This movement is part of an extension of GMHI like other similar communities, as mentioned previously.
The first time I had an intense discussion with GMHI’s initiator, Dr-Ing. Ir. Agus Maryono, was in about 2011 when I was a research assistant in Institut Teknologi Bandung (ITB), Indonesia. At that time, Dr. Agus explained that rainwater harvesting technologies were already broadly applied in Germany, Australia, the US, and other developed countries and how this low-tech system successfully reduced runoff.
He also mentioned that he had successfully developed three rainwater harvesting systems at Gadjah Mada University (UGM), Indonesia. I remember that I was amazed at how the simple technology could provide fresh water and reduce runoff simultaneously.
At that point, I realized we needed to improve this technology to capture more rainfall and reduce runoff. On the one hand, rainwater harvesting needs a tank to keep rainwater, and it will require a larger tank for capturing heavy precipitation. But, on the other hand, the capacity of the tank is limited by area. Therefore, we need “something” to capture rainfall directly as well as to minimize the amount of runoff. I remember that I asked Dr. Agus about those issues, and he suggested using the bio pore, a hole or small tunnel formed underground resulting from the activities of organisms such as worms, termites, plant roots, etc. However, I think bio pores will only be effective for sand or granule soil. It will not work on clay or alluvium.
At that moment, I considered infiltration as well. I thought that before the water becomes runoff, we could capture it using a combination of rainwater harvesting and an infiltration well. And finally, we called it “Saleuwi”.
Saleuwi combines Sundanese collocation of “sa” and “leuwi”. “Sa” means one, and “leuwi” means water. So, saleuwi means capturing water with rainwater harvesting and its allies. Saleuwi not only captures rainfall for daily households but also recharges groundwater and reduces runoff. This technology resulted in many benefits for the users who implemented it and their neighbors with the same groundwater system.
In 2018, on behalf of the Universitas Jenderal Achmad Yani community service program, “Saleuwi” was successfully applied in a buffer area. The success story of “Saleulwi” is available on the youtube channel, especially https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EX97nMZ1vSo&t=7s.
Figure 2 Saleuwi system
References
Awawdeh, M., Al-Shraideh, S., Al-Qudah, K., & Jaradat, R. (2012). Rainwater harvesting assessment for a small size urban area in Jordan. International Journal of Water Resources and Environmental Engineering.
Dwivedi, D. A., Patil, V. B., & Karankal, A. B. (2013). Rooftop Rain Water Harvesting for Groundwater Recharge in an Educational Complex. Global Journal of Researches in Engineering Civil and Structural Engineering.
Prize, T. G. (2022). How Grassroots Environmental Activism Has Changed the Course of History. Retrieved from https://www.goldmanprize.org: https://www.goldmanprize.org/blog/grassroots-environmental-activism/
Sadia Rahman, 1. ,., Din, N. B., Biswas, S. K., & Shirazi, S. M. (2014). Sustainability of Rainwater Harvesting System in terms of Water Quality. ScientificWorldJournal.
Smith, A., Fressoli, M., & Thomas, H. (2012). Grassroots innovation movements: challenges and contributions. Journal of Cleaner Production, 1-11.
Tanks, S. W. (2022). Rainwater Harvesting Australia. Retrieved from https://www.selectwatertanks.com.au: https://www.selectwatertanks.com.au/rainwater-harvesting-australia/
Velasco-Muñoz, J. F., Aznar-Sánchez, J. A., Batlles-delaFuente, A., & Fidelibus, M. D. (2019). Rainwater Harvesting for Agricultural Irrigation: An Analysis of Global Research. Water, 1-18.
Virgínia Pereira
Regenerating and rehabilitating the urban space
Once someone said that the city of Braga is the city of concrete. The historical buildings, some over fifty years old, have been left behind, and new ones are being built. And a detail that must be taken into account is that the incessant construction of new buildings takes over viable green spaces. This is happening in the city of Braga. If the reader decides, one day, to visit this city, they will find degraded, abandoned buildings, in particular in the city center. For instance, the reader will find ghostly shopping malls or barely used buildings. Nevertheless, that can change.
The new program of the City Council of Braga is the regeneration and rehabilitation of urban space, starting in the center of the city. This is and must be a priority of intervention to avoid damaging the urban landscape and reuse the buildings. Such a program involves a three-pronged intervention strategy for territorial development: technical-scientific, the real estate market, and the construction industry.
The Confiança Factory
The building of Confiança illustrates a place where urban regeneration and rehabilitation come to the top of the discussion. The future reuse of the building of Confiança has been discussed for a long time. Since production ceased, discussions intensified when the City Council of Braga acquired it in 2011. The Building of Confiança is the old headquarters of the Soap Factory and Perfumery Confiança, once a well-known factory with an impressive reputation (Guimarães, 2014). Founded in 1894, this factory remains active today and it is one of the oldest manufacturing facilities in Portugal, although it moved in 2005 to the industrial park. Located in Rua Nova Santa Cruz, in the parish of São Vítor, close to center of the city, the factory was envisioned and founded by Rosalvo da Silva Almeida and Manuel dos Santos Pereira, two residents of the city. The factory became a significant piece of people’s life. Its construction responded to an emergent situation and, consequently, conquered the society of Braga, as well as Portuguese society and later other foreign societies. Introducing a new consumer good, which no one was familiar with, the new factory produced hygiene products before the institutionalization of hygiene.
Even though it was the third largest city in Portugal, at the end of the nineteenth century, Braga was not an industrial hub. This was a rural city, traditional, conservative, and with a strong religious culture. The industrialization process in Braga was lengthy. It started with the installation of small family workshops and reached its height with the settling building of the Confiança Factory.
The building stands as a remarkable example of industrial architecture from the beginning of the twentieth century and symbolizes a close relation between society, the industrialization process, and urbanization. That’s why this building deserves to be preserved.
Figure 1 Confiança Factory in 1928. Source: Jornal Arquitectos
The Confiança Factory: a damaged building
Today, the Building of Confiança is a damaged edifice. Its original structure is still preserved and its original parts can be identified, despite the many changes that the building suffered throughout time. However, the building has some damage due to environmental effects and anthropogenic interference, such as pollution and graffiti.
The materials that constitute the building are timber, stone, iron, and concrete. So, its constitution is diversified and complex. Restoring this building is a difficult process, still worthwhile. The success of its restoration might depend on the reconnaissance of the damage and decay, which could reveal an advantageous strategy of treatment and intervention.
The damages observed in the building are the natural aging of the materials and the natural environmental effects, including areas damaged by waters caused by rain or rising humidity. Stains on the surface of the material are detected, as well as dirt from the outside. Graffiti is observed on the outside walls of the building, creating the impression of decay. Botanical growth can be found in the building’s biological annexation such as algae, plants, and moss. Concerning the mechanical elements, there is a loss of cohesion: some materials are being reduced to small pieces, and perforations and cracks can be found all over the building (Guimarães, 2014).
Figure 2 Building of Confiança, today. Source: (Guimarães, 2014)
Confiança is not for sale
The Building of Confiança is not for sale, in particular, to a private individual. Preventing the sale of the building to private individuals is the main objective of citizens, institutions and cultural agents of the city of Braga. These are those who already expressed their support: Academia de Teatro Tin.Bra, Arte Total, ASPA, Neighborhood Alegria Association, Braga+ CEA, Cidade Curiosa, Cineclub Aurélio da Paz dos Reis Civitas, Encontros da Imagem, Fotograma, JovemCoop, Parish Council of São Vítor, Krizo, Nova Comédia Bracarense, O cão Danado e Companhia, PIF’H, Quercus, Velha-a-Branca Estaleiro Cultural. A platform https://salvarafabricaconfianca.org/ was created to defend the building from sale and a petition was written:
The Perfumaria e Saboaria Confiança property was acquired by the City Council of Braga in 2011/2012 through a process of expropriation for public utility with the express purpose of being rehabilitated and within the scope of a broad consensus regarding the safeguarding of this landmark of Braga’s and Portuguese industry.
The investment in this industrial building has been fully paid for, not constituting any charge for the City Council, beyond the mere maintenance of the property (which, in this case, has not even occurred).
Considering that the City Council did not decide to allocate funds for its rehabilitation and that simultaneously there are several public and private entities committed to the safeguard and that together they may start a process of recovery of the property for cultural/social purposes at the service of the entire community if it is established as a priority to find an alternative solution to the hasty alienation and without public discussion.
The sale to private individuals is an irreversible act, it will represent an inestimable loss for the Parish, the city, and the Country and will mean an automatic demotion of Braga’s candidacy for the European Capital of Culture 2027.
The undersigned citizens,
Studies and news about the future reuse of the factory since the appropriation by the City Council have been disclosed, more and more often. Why the building must be well-maintained is no longer the main question, rather, it is about how it must be preserved and how to reuse the building. The City Council of Braga bought the building firstly to protect it as an industrial symbol of progress in the city. However, nothing has been done, and now, as mentioned, citizens fear that the sale of the building would signify the loss of that symbol. The City Council is taking too long to come up with a decision about the future of the factory. It was revealed that the City Council, together with the University of Minho, was working on a project to reuse the building to construct a new student residence.
Allowing the building’s deterioration, abandoning it, emptying it, brings with it environmental complications. This building degenerates over time, accumulating garbage, as a result of human activity, and as an environmental effect. Its degradation contributes to rundown urban landscapes and reduced air quality and, therefore, fragile human health.
Engaging with climate change
Urban rehabilitation and regeneration engage with the problem of climate change. Picturing the consequences of degraded buildings and responding to them can be a mitigation or adaptation strategy for climate change if cities consider how to “recycle” buildings, instead of building new ones. So, tackling climate change through rehabilitation and regeneration of urban space is possible, however alone this might not be effective and have to be applied along with other measures.
Figure 3 Aerial view of the factory (red rectangle), 1955, representing the feature of industrialization and houses and fields surrounding the large building. Source: Jornal Arquitectos
The shortcomings, the limitations, and problems
The rehabilitation and the regeneration of the Building of Confiança may effectively result in improving the urban landscape. However, shortcomings, issues, and limits can be pointed out. There are no visible effects since the City Council has not come up with a final decision about the reuse of the building and this is a major critical point, as well. The increasing deterioration of the building and the ongoing disposal of garbage limits its renewal even as the sale of the building becomes likely, and this last represents a problem for the most industrial icon of the city. Another limit is the budget available to pursue the project and the real cost of the edifice’s rehabilitation.
The physical position of the building, which is the parish of São Vítor, must be taken into consideration for its reuse due to its proximity to the city center and the existing residential buildings, the university, the mall, and small businesses nearby.
A problematic issue that might arise along with the building revitalization is conflicts of interest: that is, what is the best choice that benefits the population, and what is the real choice of the City Council?
Restoring the Confiança Building leads to broader changes
This initiative to revitalize and rehabilitate the urban space leads unequivocally to broader changes. To restore the historical city center, environmental laws must be decreed, and even in the case that the urban regeneration and rehabilitation project is recognized, there is no guarantee that environmental laws are being applied. The application of this initiative, envisioning environmental conservation, permits identifying those entities responsible to intervene in the domain of environmental quality. Still, these entities must ensure that the population, in general, participates in conserving nature, so providing access to information is a crucial point. The population can be more thoroughly prepared to reflect on issues that arise with climate and urban environment.
This initiative also promotes sustainability, that is, this project envisions improving people’s lives not by spending money on other buildings and letting existing buildings rot. It involves safeguarding a place that has a significant value to the city. This is in line with sustainable proposals, preserving the urban environment and submitting economic and industrial activities to ecological principles, satisfying the current generation, so that future generations appreciate their urban space as much as the previous ones did. Also, restoring this building, in particular, might bring more visitors to the city.
A replicable project
This initiative for the rehabilitation and regeneration of a specific urban space is replicable all over the city. The Building of Confiança is the most urgent case for intervention and is a suitable starting point to pursue this strategy. There are more buildings in the city center and its surroundings that need to be added to the project proposed by the City Council. Nevertheless, is difficult to know if those buildings are owned by the City Council, as the Building of Confiança is.
References
Braga, C. M. (s.d.). Braga, uma porta aberta para a Reabilitação Urbana. Got from Portal da Reabilitação Urbana: https://ru.cm-braga.pt/0301/reabilitacao-urbana/apresentacao
Coelho, N. (2019). A Confiança perdida é difícil de recuperar. Got from Jornal de Arquitetos: http://www.jornalarquitectos.pt/pt/forum/cronicas/a-confianca-perdida-e-dificil-de-recuperar
Coelho, N. M. (2013). O Design de Embalagem em Portugal no Século XX -do Funcional ao Simbólico – o Estudo de Caso da Saboaria e Perfumaria Confiança. Got from Repositório científico da UC: http://hdl.handle.net/10316/23803
ComUM: https://www.comumonline.com/etiqueta/fabrica-confianca/
Ferreira, A. D. (2017). A Confiança já tem uma biografia. E os seus sabonetes dão aulas de História e de Design. Got from Observador: https://observador.pt/2017/05/12/a-confianca-ja-tem-uma-biografia-e-os-seus-sabonetes-dao-aulas-de-historia-e-de-design/
Ferreira, R. (2013). A antiga Saboaria e Perfumaria Confiança. Got from Braga+: http://bragamais.blogspot.com/2013/01/a-antiga-saboaria-e-perfumaria-confianca.html
Fonseca, R. (2018). Após 100 anos de História, alienação da fábrica Confiança é decidida esta quarta-feira. Got from TSF: https://www.tsf.pt/sociedade/apos-100-anos-de-historia-alienacao-da-fabrica-confianca-e-decidida-esta-quarta-feira-9872922.html
Gomes, N. R. (2021). Cidadãos acusam Câmara de Braga de transformar a Fábrica Confiança “numa lixeira a céu aberto”. Got fom Público: https://www.publico.pt/2021/05/10/local/noticia/cidadaos-acusam-camara-braga-transformar-fabrica-confianca-lixeira-ceu-aberto-1961954
Guimarães, M. I. (2014). Industrial heritage in Northern Portugal: the example of Fábrica Confiança. Got from RepositoriUM: http://repositorium.sdum.uminho.pt/handle/1822/30613
Hasta pública da Fábrica Confiança em Braga ficou deserta. (2020). Got from Diário Imobiliário: https://www.diarioimobiliario.pt/Actualidade/Hasta-publica-da-Fabrica-Confianca-em-Braga-ficou-deserta
Parlamento defende que a Fábrica Confiança não deve ser vendida. (2019). Got from Diário Imobiliário: https://www.diarioimobiliario.pt/Actualidade/Parlamento-defende-que-a-Fabrica-Confianca-nao-deve-ser-vendida
Pereira, A. P. (2018). Fábrica Confiança: a venda que está a agitar Braga. Got from Diário de Notícias: https://www.dn.pt/edicao-do-dia/19-set-2018/fabrica-confianca-a-venda-que-esta-a-agitar-braga-9871346.html
Sethunarayanan Nagarajan
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
Tamil Nadu, one of the highly industrialized states in India, holds agriculture as its predominant occupation and it is considered an important coastal state in India with a coastline of 1,076 kilometers. Among the thirty-eight districts in the state, fourteen districts that share the coastline are Thiruvallur, Chennai, Chengalpattu, Villupuram, Cuddalore, Mayiladuthurai, Nagapattinam, Tiruvarur, Thanjavur, Pudukkottai, Ramanathapuram, Thoothukudi, Tirunelveli, and Kanyakumari. All these districts vary in several aspects like landscape, climate, flora and fauna, socio-economic development, business, and so on.
From Left to Right: Maps of India and Tamil Nadu (Image Credits: Google Maps)
Among these aspects, climatic change poses a great challenge and threat for the stakeholders at different timescales. It heavily impacts the lives and livelihoods of the people, who reside in the places and pushes them to transform their pattern of life at regular intervals. At present, the inhabitants of these places experience the visible consequences of climate change like intense drought, storms, heatwaves, and extreme flash floods. In this regard, the Government of Tamil Nadu (India) proposed three significant missions to combat climate change: (a) Green Tamil Nadu Mission, (b) Tamil Nadu Wetlands Mission, and (c) Tamil Nadu Climate Change Mission.The proposed missions are going to be implemented in different districts based on the landscape, challenges encountered by humans and non-human others, resources, and various other closely-related factors.
To implement the missions successfully in various parts of the state, the government has set up a special purpose vehicle named Tamil Nadu Green Climate Company (TNGCC). The TNGCC, with the support of the Tamil Nadu Infrastructure Fund Management Corporation Limited (TNIFMC), is given the responsibility to coordinate and monitor the proposed missions for the successful implementation. Some of the above-mentioned missions are furthered by multiple government departments, and private entities like educational institutions, industries, NGOs like Care Earth Trust and the Nature Conservancy India, along with the locals. Though beneficiaries, by and large, would include both humans and non-human others belonging to particular geographical locations and neighboring regions, it is difficult to evaluate their outcomes since all of these missions are in the initial stages and will take at least a decade to measure their results. Also, it would be important to include the inhabitants to identify the feasibility of the proposed missions, but there is no such sign as the missions are conceptualized and consulted largely with a team of educated individuals in governmental departments and NGOs. Neither the opinions of the locals nor their participation is considered critical for this establishment of the project. The insights of the educated individuals are heavily influenced by modern sciences rather than indigenous knowledge. Therefore, the outcomes of these initiatives are highly doubtful.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
Since there are three different initiatives, all of these initiatives cannot be viewed from a homogenized perspective but from a compartmentalized framework, based on the unique features and feasibilities that they can offer to tackle climate change. For example, the Green Tamil Nadu Mission, whichcombines both adaptation and mitigation measures, focuses on two major activities like restoration of degraded forest lands, planting trees species in places like farmlands, industrial areas, educational institutions, temple lands, public lands, and defense establishments to increase the green cover and to reduce the deforestation and land degradation. Whereas,the Tamilnadu Climate Change Missionis keen on introducing new technologies to build energy-efficient homes, develop electric vehicles, and create alternative sources of energy, which are apparent steps toward mitigating the Green House Gases. Such energy measures reduce energy waste and are cost-effective. Another initiative, the Tamil Nadu Wetlands Mission is an adaptive measure to grapple with climate change by restoring the wetlands, which can not only capture and store the carbon but reduce floods and relieve droughts. Plus, it supports biodiversity during extreme weather conditions as it serves as a habitat for birds, fishes, turtles, and other organisms besides stabilizing the shorelines and stream banks. The missions mentioned above, hence, carry both adaptation and mitigation dimensions to tackle climate change through various ways and means. The impacts of these missions can be understood holistically only when all of these missions are planned meticulously and executed within a short span of time coupled with empirical analysis of outcomes at periodic intervals. Also, the scale on which these missions are going to be executed is not only unpredictable but also a matter of concern; in other words, the qualitative and quantitative aspects of these initiatives in averting climate change have to be introspected from various perspectives. Apart from these, all of these initiatives share the responsibilities equally in engaging with climate change and addressing the issues with a wider and collaborative vision.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
Though all the three missions have exclusive objectives, in a larger aspect, all these objectives are intricately connected with one another to combat climate change. First, the objective of the Green Tamil Nadu Mission is to enhance the forest and tree cover from the existing 23.7 % to 33 % by organizing massive tree plantation programs of indigenous and diverse species to enhance the carbon sequestration potential on an average of 8 Mt every year. It may also reduce the risks that arise due to floods, droughts, landslides, and outbreaks of pests. Second, the aim of the Tamil Nadu Climate Change Mission is to create a smart infrastructure system to handle natural disasters, enhance the efficacy of public transport systems, develop educational courses, and encourage research related to climate change. Also, the important information to be noted is that all these missions are implemented in collaboration with private players like educational institutions, NGOs, and so on. Third, the Tamil Nadu Wetlands Mission plans to identify and map 100 wetlands in the state and ecologically restore them to serve as a natural sponge during flood and drought, and to protect the coastlines. All these objectives are collective and holistic to combat climate change. Though the objectives are different, their focus is to keep the emission of carbon under control.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
All these initiatives were proposed, recently, on 03.11.2021, during the Tamil Nadu budget session by the state finance minister. According to the Govt. Order No. 101, the timeline given for Green Tamil Nadu Mission and the Tamil Nadu Wetlands Mission are ten and five years respectively. There is no timeline given for the Tamil Nadu Climate Change Mission. Overall, most of these initiatives are only in the initial stages and a lot of discussion and planning should go into it before and during the implementation. In short, there are no visible effects till the present time.
Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
Major actors involved in these projects are private and public departments like Environment, Climate and Forest Department, Municipal Administration and Water Supply Department, Agriculture and Farmers Welfare Department, Public Works and Water Resources Department, academia, private sectors like industries, and NGOs, which foster a transition to climate-friendly platforms. Since NGOs, educational institutes, and many other organizations come under private sectors, they will be forced to work under political influence. Also, another significant problem typically faced in India is caste. The influence of caste can be witnessed in every aspect of governance, decision-making, planning, and so on. The members of the legislative assembly are mostly from the major caste group of the particular district and state. Although people who work in the government offices and laborers are from different castes and communities, the decisions are taken only by these representatives (MLAs) elected by the people, which mostly favors the people belonging to those castes. Sanction of loans, distribution of resources, subsidiaries, and offering of adequate facilities are challenged by the prevalence of the caste systems and caste politics. It is crucial to monitor both the distribution and utilization of resources for the successful implementation of these initiatives. Landlords may influence the local officials and get the resources required, especially monetary benefits, and later fail to meet the expectations and their level of awareness about climate change is also highly questionable. Therefore, the govt. should take necessary steps to identify the right people and educate them about the importance of these missions and empower them periodically.
Which limits does it encounter?
All these initiatives have some limitations in terms of infrastructure, financial support, feasibility, and socio-political influences. For instance, under the Green Tamil Nadu Mission, the Govt. of Tamil Nadu has planned to give materials for agroforestry to farmers to help them get additional revenue, which is believed to reduce the rate of deforestation and forest degradation. The challenge lies in how the govt. will identify the dedicated farmers and demarcate the boundaries of all those lands and monitor them closely. And to what extent does the govt. will extend support to those farmers apart from distributing the required materials like water will be a concern. Also, it has planned to increase the green cover on public lands for a ten-year duration. Now, the govt. has named educational institutes, temple lands, industrial areas, tank foreshore, and defense establishments for increasing the green cover. Excepting government-run organizations, all the other institutions are profit-oriented ones. The insufficiency of laborers to maintain those trees and places can affect the efficiency and outcome. Also, most of the family members of the landlords, and educational institutions run several other businesses. Therefore, the participation of such private players may hinder meeting the expected outcome of the missions. On the other side, some of the initiatives mentioned are already in action. But their rate of impact in tackling the challenge is highly skeptical as multiple factors play a crucial role, especially in helping people understand the urgency and required action to address the larger concerns. In short, it will have limitations at different levels – like functional, social, economic, and spatial.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
Yes. The major shortcoming is the way these initiatives are going to be taken to the public attention and consciousness and seek their support as these initiatives are at the fundamental level with clear and detailed long-term vision and planning. Also, the pace of implementation is critical as already we have started experiencing the impacts of climate change, but still, these initiatives are only in the planning and conceptual stage. The class and caste structures are widely prevalent and they dominate almost all sectors in a country like India. Another side, corporate mafias will show influence not only on the policies but on every decision made by the government. In addition, the nexus between the knowledge partners, policymakers, politicians, and the public is another great challenge because each of these stakeholders will have equal responsibility and challenge.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
Some of these initiatives can be implemented at any geographical location with some basic research about the spatial and temporal aspects of a place coupled with practical problems in terms of implementation and inside stories about the place. For example, before initiating tree plantation drives, it is important to examine the native species suitable for the specific location considering its geographical specificities like climate pattern, soil characteristics, and well-being of flora and fauna of the region. Also, it is important to understand and address the sustainability level of such projects in the given location and to conduct an impact level of those projects for a shorter and longer duration. In some contexts, better solutions may be feasible depending on the land, livelihood, and people, therefore, it is crucial to identify the functional and feasible solutions rather than adopting the initiative without any customization.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes? If yes, which?
No. First, the timeline of these projects spans about ten years and all these projects are only in the initial stages. Not only the outcomes and sustainability but the practicalities of these projects are unpredictable because other ongoing developmental projects and other proposed projects may challenge the new initiatives. For instance, wetlands are to be protected from encroachers, especially real estate mafias and industrialists, who will have planned to use the space for commercial purposes in collaboration with different MNCs. The state is also ready with plans to encourage rapid industrialization to generate income and improve the economy of the state, therefore to what extent these projects will be implemented considering the economic situation, and industrialization is debatable. Also how the government officials and public are going to be educated in terms of establishment, enhancement, and maintenance for a longer duration is doubtful.
| References: “Tamil Nadu: TN to Restore 100 Wetlands in Five-Year Period: Chennai News – Times of India.” The Times of India, TOI, https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/chennai/tn-to-restore-100-wetlands-in-five-year-period/articleshow/89979669.cms. Accessed on 25 April 2022. “Tamil Nadu to Set up Climate-Smart Villages and Rehabilitate Coastal Districts as Part of Its Climate Action Initiative: The Weather Channel – Articles from The Weather Channel.” The Weather Channel, https://weather.com/en-IN/india/climate-change/news/2022-05-20-tamil-nadu-to-set-up-climate-smart-villages-for-its-cimate. Accessed on 11 April 2022. TN Govt, Orders: https://cms.tn.gov.in/sites/default/files/go/envfor_e_100_2021_Ms.pdf. Accessed on 28 March 2022. Google Maps: https://www.google.com/maps/place/Tamil+Nadu/@10.3149371,75.7168686,6.44z/data=!4 m5!3m4!1s0x3b00c582b1189633:0x559475cc463361f0!8m2!3d11.1271225!4d78.6568942. Accessed on 29 March 2022. |
Marina Salgado Pinto
@nosetor
@jardimnosetor
One simple action can be sufficient to change a situation that has been going on for a long time. That is the case of an urban garden in the Brazilian capital, Brasília, that is changing the lives of many unhoused people in the city. It was a beautiful sunny day when I arrived at the urban garden. I already knew the place, even before the beginning of the project. I used to work right in front of the area where they now plant crops. I remember it was an abandoned place, all cemented, some dirty earth in the middle.
It was very windy that day, and my long dress kept flowing around. I was a bit worried that the wind would disturb the interview. I looked inside the urban garden and saw two guys sitting there, with a soda bottle between them, chatting and having a snack. I noticed the colorful gate and the stalk of a papaya tree wrapping one of the gate’s sticks, like a snake, growing up. A few moments later, Aretha arrived, the woman I was waiting for. We said hi and started our chatting. First, I wanted to know who was responsible for that idea? How was that possible? Well, it wasn’t about just one person because the Jardim das Flores was a collective action. And that was the essential aspect of the entire project.
The project Jardim das Flores belongs to great collective action, the Nosetor Institute. Further, their implemented action, which contemplates cultural activities, the urban garden, and a Sunday fair is responsible for considerable changes in the unhoused lives. As I chatted with Aretha it became clear that the project matches environmental action by greening the city and aspects of social justice as well. Above all, urban gardens have a tremendous effect on the lives of everybody in a city. It changes the way people perceive their city, which leads to a bigger transformation in the city.
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
The project Jardim de Flores – Nosetor was implemented at the South Commercial Center (SCS) in the Brazilian capital, Brasília, and belongs to the cultural and social institute called Nosetor. The purpose of the Nosetor Institute is to bring life back to the Commercial Center, an area long marginalized and forgotten by the local government. Local young people first imagined the Nosetor Institute, and their first action was organizing Carnival parties named Setor Carnavalesco Sul on the streets to attract people to the area. Then, the Nosetor Institute started to organize local actions to offer help to unhoused people, that is, people who were in a very vulnerable situation. In this sense, the first beneficiaries of the urban garden are the unhoused people who can count on the urban vegetable/herb garden as a source of organic and healthy food. In addition, as a space where they feel welcome. As key workers, among the volunteers, in the urban garden, they restore their sense of value through therapeutic activities, like gardening, and, above all, see themselves as valuable community members.
The sign indicating the space designated for the garden. Image by Marina Salgado.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
The Jardim das Flores goes straight to undermining the massive presence of concrete in urban areas. The project works as a relevant tool against environmental destruction and towards a more sustainable human and nature relationship. Physically, among many other benefits, the presence of urban green areas helps mitigate the effect of atmospheric pollution, enhancing the rainwater absorption in the soil, which helps avoid floods, particularly in less wealthy areas. Furthermore, as many studies have shown, human society benefits substantially from contact with nature. Finally, nature areas can help humans with many issues associated with people who live in urban spaces, such as anxiety and depression.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
The main goal of the project, not only the urban garden but the work undertaken by the Nosetor Institute is to offer support to the unhoused people and those in noticeably vulnerable situations. One of the institute members, Areta Monteiro, says that contact with unhoused people enriches life as a way to help us to see beyond our bubble. The urban garden department at Nosetor Institute is composed of three people with different academic backgrounds. Areta has a degree in Environmental Science, Bruno is an environmental manager, and José Grossi is an environmental scientist. But, Areta highlighted they learn a lot from the unhoused people who volunteer at the garden: “We learn many things from people on the street (…) many of them teach us how to plant, about the usefulness of plants. Having a degree is not everything”.
Detail of a Taioba (Xanthosoma saggitifolium (L.) Schott), an example of a PANC (unconventional food plant) growing in the urban garden Jardim das Flores. Behind, detail of a building in the South Commercial Center (SCS). Image by Marina Salgado.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
In 2018, as a collective action, Brasília’s local young residents organized Carnaval parties as an alternative to stimulate cultural activities in a marginalized area of the town, the Brazília’s Commercial Center. The creation of the project happened between the years 2018 and 2019 through the Verdejando project, an action involving another local urban garden, Aroeiras, and the Brazilian television channel Rede Globo. Together, they undertook the urban garden in the area where it’s still operating. In 2020, the Covid pandemic affected the urban garden’s activities. In August of the year 2020, they restarted the activities.
The effects of the project are observable in many different ways. As it concerns climate change, the urban garden helps alter the area’s landscape, bringing green to the profusion of cement that characterizes the Commercial Center. Additionally, it is a grassroots action mobilizes the community through donations and volunteer work. Furthermore, the urban garden helps spread knowledge about growing crops and information about plants. To the unhoused inhabitants of the Commercial Center, the project offers them a space to recover their faith in themselves. In the end, they are intelligent and capable people who suffer from violence and are made invisible by this “crazy society” in the words of Areta.
In the future, the people responsible for the urban garden want to expand the project towards an educative approach to the area. They want the urban vegetable garden to be a place for environmental education. They intend to turn the urban vegetable garden into a laboratory. That is a space where people and student classes could visit to learn about gardening, plants, insects (the urban vegetable garden also counts with small beekeeping), and the unhoused would be the teacher guides.
Detail of beekeeping. Image by Marina Salgado.
Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
The Nosetor Institute is composed of local young people. Most of them began as volunteers in the different projects and then were absorbed to work in the departments as the project grew. They also count on the help of many local artists that donated artwork in one of their manners to finance their activities. The key workers of the project are the unhoused people due to the primary initiative’s objective, which is to offer them a tool of emancipation. The local community is another source of help through their donations of, for instance, plant seedlings and gardening tools.
Despite many conflict situations with the Federal District Government, the Nosetor Institute also counts on the support offered by some local political figures, such as Plano Piloto’s Administrator Ilka Teodoro.
Some of the guys who work at the urban garden, in the back, enjoying a snack. Image by Marina Salgado.
Which limits does it encounter?
The principal limitation faced by the urban vegetable gardens responsibles is institutional. The Commercial Center struggles with a few problems, like violence, and shows a high risk for robbery, for instance. That is because of the government’s negligence. On the other hand, since the beginning of cultural activities organized by local community members, like Samba parties and Carnaval, robbery cases have decreased.
Another South Commercial Center (SCS) problem is the drug abuse in the area. The police approach to this problem is frequently using violence to repress. Still, the cultural activities organized by the local community have shown better results in tackling drug abuse in the area and helping people in vulnerable situations.
Nevertheless, the first and principal limitation faced by the Jardim das Flores is the conflicts with the local police. They accuse the place of being a potential hiding place for drugs and weapons. Another source of conflict is the Federal District Government. They use hygienist policies to evict people from the area. For instance, on November 19th, 2020, Novacap (Brasília’s administration) took away the unhoused’s properties. They also threatened to destroy the Jardim das Flores.
Finally, the place constantly struggles with night-invasion situations (sometimes by dogs that cave the area) and plant seedlings robbery. But, the people responsible say the unfortunate events they face are part of the process.
The new front gate, a way to avoid invasion. Image by Marina Salgado.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can
arise from its implementation?
The Jardim das Flores is in a small area, which limits its expansion.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
The concept of an urban vegetable and herb garden is not original to the Nosetor Institute, and there are different examples of this grassroots initiative all over the world. Their particularity is to involve vulnerable people as the key project subjects. The goal is to articulate unhoused people with the community through environmental activities that mitigate the effects of climate change.
The Jardim das Flores organizers are developing a manual offering help to people who desire to replicate the project in other places in Brasília and in other cities.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes?
Yes, this initiative mobilizes popular participation and builds bridges between city dwellers and homeless people. Currently, the Nosetor Institute organizes a Sunday fair, and they were responsible for establishing legal measures that guarantee the permanence of unhoused people in the region. Their goal is to expand the project to other parts of the city and the country.
Due to the conflicts with the police, the Nosetor members are more and more involved with political issues. They are constantly sharing in their social media when they participate in political plenary. The truth is that everything started with a group of young people who wanted to party but didn’t have a place to do so. When occupying the abandoned South Commercial Center area, they broke the separation between them and the unhoused who lived there. The project then expanded to help mitigate the effects of other urgent issues, such as climate change. Finally, the urban garden changed the life of many people, not just the unhoused but anyone who goes through the area, including me. The ugly abandoned place in front of the place I used to work is now a beautiful garden, and the unhoused people of the area, so close to us and so far away at the same time, became someone we know, we say hi, we chat, we share a snack, a coffee, a smile.
Bruno Azevedo Prado
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
The Borborema Territory is located in the Brazilian semiarid region, particularly in the Agreste region of the state of Paraíba. The Brazilian semiarid is one of the largest semiarid regions on the planet. It covers a geographical area of 970,000 Km2, concentrated in states of Northeast Brazil, and is home to a population of 22.5 million inhabitants (12% of the national population) with 44% living in rural areas, making it the least urbanized region of the country (Petersen, 2015). Polo da Borborema (Borborema Pole) was established in 1996 in partnership with NGO AS-PTA. It is presented as a family farming organization that gathers 14 rural workers’ unions, about 150 community associations, a regional association of ecological farmers, and informal groups of women and young people. Organizations affiliated to Polo da Borborema accounts to approximately 6,000 families from 15 municipalities in the hinterland of Paraíba. Since it was established, it has developed actions aimed at the economic, social, and political strengthening of family farming in the region. To this end, it implements a program of technical training and dissemination of agroecological innovations based on the principles of living with the semi-arid and agroecology, and works to influence public policies, particularly those aimed at promoting food and nutrition security and income generation for families.
The map below depicts the 15 municipalities covered in the area where Polo da Borborema implements its actions.
Source: AS-PTA
How does this initiative engage with climate?
By proposing an alternative development for agriculture in the territory, Polo da Borborema has refused a model of neo-extractivism that permeates the complex geographies of Latin America. Working as political actor engaged in environmental justice issues, Polo has, for about twenty years, engaged with another network of civil society organizations – the Brazilian Semi-arid Articulation (ASA). Together in this macro regional project, they developed the idea that farmers, social organizations, and government agencies should change the paradigm that historically mobilized rural development in the region. Instead of “combatting the drought”, a political and institutional practice based on large infrastructure projects and the maintenance of regional oligarchies’ interests, this network of civil society proposed, based on local and traditional peasant knowledge, the idea of “living with the semi-arid” [convivência com o semiárido]. The proposal of “living with the semiarid”, taken as a paradigm of development distinct from the modernization of agriculture based on “fighting the drought” in northeastern Brazil, implies the revitalization and mobilization of locally available resources that guarantee resilience to agroecosystems. It led to the formulation of public programs for the construction of one million cisterns through new institutional arrangements involving the State and civil society. This idea re-situates agroecological transition processes based on living with the semiarid as situated technical projects that offer alternatives to the logics of modernization and to the view, based on environmental and geographical determinism, of the semiarid region as “problematic”.
This proposal is well summarized by Medeiros (2022):
In recent decades, peasant networks have flourished, encouraged by the broad macro-regional movement called Convivência com o Semiárido. They are forming communities with the unique feature of not being territorially contiguous — intensive communities whose strength lies in the recovery and reinvention of agroecological practices, and in the constant exchange of experienced knowledge. Through rainwater harvesting, the recovery of water springs, the reforestation of the Caatinga, the implementation of agroforestry systems, fair forms of animal husbandry and forest extraction, the cessation of burnings and poisoning, the gathering, exchanging, protecting, and selecting native seeds, and many other molecular and pervasive actions, these collectives directly confront the hydro-agribusiness model that has been creating desertification for centuries, and whose non-fruits are there for all to see: in the history of the genocides called droughts, in the wandering lives of landless Indigenous peoples and peasants, in the increasingly accentuated heat, in the increasingly sporadic rains, in the increasingly sandy and stony ground, and in the consequent difficulty for pioneer plants to recover the soil and the microclimate.
The idea of coexisting with the semiarid is, thus, a situated technical project, based on local knowledge and scaled-up in intensive communities across the region. It tells possibilities to occupy climate change narratives with stories that go against external solutions imposed by mainstream development.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
As the Declaration of the International Forum of Agroecology (2015) states
Agroecology is a way of life and the language of Nature, that we learn as her children. It is not a mere set of technologies or production practices. It cannot be implemented the same way in all territories. Rather it is based on principles that, while they may be similar across the diversity of our territories, can and are practiced in many different ways, with each sector contributing their own colors of their local reality and culture, while always respecting Mother Earth and our common, shared values.
This refers to core values that Polo da Borborema holds in its understanding of how agroecology is to be implemented in its actions. It also takes into account the idea that agroecology is understood as a science, as a practice and as a social movement. The establishment of the Pole has been the result of a renewal of the rural workers’ unionism in the territory and it has the political perspective of acting collectively, in networks and on a regional scale, to overcome the isolation represented by sole action restricted to the municipal level.
This strategy of acting collectively as a network, on a regional scale, accounts for an accumulation of learning and experience for the union movement and to participate and influence a territorial approach.
What is the timeline?
Polo da Borborema was created in 1996 and formally established as an organization in 2004, as a result of the aforementioned renewal of rural workers’ unions in the territory. As Petersen (2015) argues, the movement for a new unionism has been the result of decades of unions’ strategy focused on the national level with a generic agenda. The change of focus was largely stimulated, in the early 1990s, by a partnership with AS-PTA, a non-governmental organization promoting patterns of sustainable rural development and the strengthening of family farming in Brazil based on agroecology.
Who are the actors involved?
Taking agroecological values seriously means being able to put farmers’ knowledge at the center and providing opportunities for their interchange. This has also implications for agronomical science, which can – and should – learn from their methods of cultivation and ingenious systems of water management under challenging ecological conditions (even if the dialogue of knowledges is not always symmetrical, not to mention the existing conflicts and power asymmetries). The protagonists of this movement, then, are the farmers-experimenters, as the peasants call themselves in this network also involving NGOs and civil society organizations. Exchange knowledge activities stimulated by Polo da Borborema enhance not only technical, organizational, and political capacities, but also the identity of farmer-experimenters.
The agroecological movement in the territory also has an important focus on women and youth. Women in general face strong obstacles to participating in the management of production systems and income access. Despite successes in developing several agroecological innovations, a patriarchal culture has remained dominant both within the family and in organizations. The inequality between men and women has been a barrier for the full implementation of agroecology across the region, although a women’s movement for autonomy has been growing stronger over the last 15 years. This movement carries out regional demonstrations annually, known as the Marches for the Women’s Lives and for Agroecology.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
As with many environmental initiatives, the experience of the Polo da Borborema responds to local cultural influences and demands that are unique in the territory. But the experience of the ‘living with semi-arid’ and its macro regional scale accounts for how it can reach different areas. Above all, any replication would have to take into account the diversity of the territories, and the principle of exchange of knowledge is an important factor which enhances the possibility of replication.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes? If yes, which?
Some results have been documented and account for transformations in the enhancement of water management, with impacts on national policies such as the One Million Cisterns Program and the One Land Two Waters Program, with the construction of decentralized infrastructure to capture, store and transport water. In terms of access to market, more than 210 farmer families are regularly marketing ecological food at eight municipal fairs, while 176 families have supplied schools and nurseries with ecological food via public policies such as the National School Feeding Program (PNAE) and the Food Acquisition Program (PAA). The Pole has also established a regional network comprising 60 community seed banks and directly reaching 1,500 families has been organized that provides advocacy for the government policy for seed distribution and the Food Acquisition Program. Political crises and the rise of a national right-wing government over the last years have led, though, to the dismantling of many public programs addressing agroecology. This has led to direct impacts for family farmers and civil society agroecological networks. But they remain strong in their commitment to accountability, a rights-based State and citizenship – for it is only under such circumstances that agroecology and democratization of food systems can achieve better results.
References:
Declaration Of The International Forum For Agroecology, Nyéléni, Mali: 27 February 2015. Development 58, 163–168 (2015). Https://Doi.Org/10.1057/S41301-016-0014-4
Haraway, Donna. Staying With The Trouble: Making Kin In The Chthulucene. Duke University Press, 2016.
Medeiros, R. Seridoão (Part I) Or There And Back Again, Or A Terran Testimony. In Https://Aperfectstorm.Net/Seridoao-Part-I/
Petersen, P. “Hidden Treasures: Reconnecting Culture And Nature In Rural Development Dynamics” In Constructing A New Framework For Rural Development. Published Online: 09 Mar 2015; 157-194. Http://Dx.Doi.Org/10.1108/S1057-192220150000022006
Rockström, J., Steffen, W., Noone, K. Et Al. “A Safe Operating Space For Humanity.” Nature 461, 472–475 (2009). Https://Doi.Org/10.1038/461472a
Virgínia Pereira
When planning a community urban garden, certain issues must be considered. The first one to consider is the reason for its investment, and this involves asking about the social, economic, and environmental problems that must be faced. Then one must select the place that exhibits the most urgency in setting up a community urban garden. Defining the goals that must be achieved is a significant step for the project’s success. Another crucial point is to describe how the project engages with the climate change problem. Is this a mitigation or an adaptation strategy? Or both? Preparing urban gardening also involves financial and resource management issues, which raise a different set of questions. Who funds the urban gardening project? Who cedes the land to cultivate? For how long can beneficiaries cultivate the land provided? What kind of plants should be cultivated? What resources should be available? Who manages the garden?
The urban gardening project in Andorinhas Neighborhood, Braga
The urban gardening project in the city of Braga is an initiative of the City Council of Braga and the Environmental Fund, which is an institution that supports environmental policies and sustainable development and ensures compliance with environmental objectives and commitments. In the words of Rui Rio, Mayor of the City Council of Braga, this represents the encounter between urban reality and sustainability. The urban gardening project in the city of Braga began in 2016 and since then community urban gardens have been inaugurated in several neighborhoods in the city, such as Andorinhas Neighborhood, which was set up in 2019. The setting up of a community urban garden in the Andorinhas Neighborhood is also promoted by the Parish Council of São Vicente and the Resident’s Association of Andorinhas Neighborhood. The beneficiaries of this project are the residents of this neighborhood.
The Andorinhas Neighborhood is a social-housing neighborhood situated in São Vicente parish in Braga, Portugal. This neighborhood was built over three years, between 1983 and 1986, and comprises thirty-two residential edifices, inhabited by around two thousand people. In addition to the residential spaces, there are six shops, a multi-sport rink, a children’s playground, a workout park, and a community urban garden. The neighborhood is located in the northwest section of the city and is delimited to the south and east by Rua Fernando Castiço, to the west by Rua Dr. Pereira Caldas, and Rua Dr. Manuel Braga da Cruz, to the north and west by the uncultivated land. This is not a place that other residents of the city pass through or visit. The urban ring road, which is an important road traffic channel, composes a physical barrier between the neighborhood and the central area of the city. Crossing into the neighborhood is done through the streets below this highway, which makes it a gloomy place because of its darkness. This contributes to the characterization of this neighborhood as a marginal place. Near the neighborhood, there is no equipment or service that justifies a visit from an outside visitor. The general opinion – of inhabitants from other zones of the city – is that this neighborhood is not attractive and when visiting it, not even its green spaces are pleasant.
This project envisions social inclusion through inequality attenuation. Since the Andorinhas Neighborhood was built to provide shelter to those who face financial and economic difficulties, and most people who live in this neighborhood earn low wages, in some cases lower than the national minimum wage, this urban project supports an alternative to food provision. This project also promotes biological agriculture and a healthy lifestyle and encourages the conservation of biodiversity and urban nature. Besides, it aims to produce pleasant urban landscapes from an urbanistic viewpoint. Together, these goals envision the revitalization of unused spaces to benefit the population, potentiating a wider usage and also instigating a sense of community, as well as, providing environmental and ecological education.
The Andorinhas Neighborhood reveals a particularly interesting example of urban gardening due to its peripheral features and being a working-class neighborhood. The garden has an entrance and a delimited area. Its usage agreement is renewable every year and this reveals to be one of the project’s shortcomings – further clarified. One must apply to the Resident’s Association of Andorinhas Neighborhood to get a plot. The applicant must fulfill some conditions, which are: the applicant must reside in the geographical area of the parish and the proximity of her/his residence in relation to the garden is taken into account. The economic situation is essential for assessing the allocation of the land. If the application satisfies these conditions is given a plot that measures between 15 and 25 square meters. And each gardener can share a common waterpoint and a shank to keep small tools. When assigned the plot, the occupant is given a card that identifies the number of the patch and is also allowed to attend training in agriculture.
Figure 2 Community urban garden in Andorinhas Neighborhood viewed from Rua Senhora do Monte. Photo by Ana Nogueira.
A resident from the neighborhood described it as “the neighborhood of the poor, of the laborer”, the precarious neighborhood, and revealed that, in the beginning, instead of a community garden, it would be another building, perhaps a residential building. Nevertheless, between the two, as the inhabitant said, the garden was the best choice and that empty space is no longer “a pile of rubbish”. The inhabitant also confessed that “at least we have a piece of land to work and put the soup on the table” and affirmed that the community urban garden improves the urban way of life and “when there is land to cultivate there are a few vegetables to feed the family”.
Figure 3 Community urban garden in Andorinhas Neighborhood viewed between Rua Fernando Castiço and Rua Senhora do Monte. The garden is delimited by trunks and wire and behind there is uncultivated and wasted (green) space. Photo by Ana Nogueira.
A project with shortcomings
There are shortcomings and a few critical points about the execution of this project. Starting with the cession of the space, that is, the period of time that inhabitants benefit from this project and the amount of land available. Despite the land use agreement being renewed every year, this project turns out to be ineffective to attenuate the financial and economic inequality because the dwellers are not given any certainty that they will continue to have land available to cultivate to obtain food next year. We cannot forget that plants need their own time to grow and harvest. The amount of land ceded to the community might not be enough to satisfy all population and this also fails when attempting to reduce the financial and economic inequality. The plot distribution among the beneficiaries of this initiative seems dissimilar, that is, the plots were not assigned in equal parts. However, that can be a small detail. The distribution of plots is still in progress, and this remains a problem. Either the organization and criteria of distribution are unsuitable, or the population doesn’t have the interest to cultivate the land. That is, the population hasn’t achieved yet an environmental consciousness and the entities mentioned haven’t done anything to address this issue.
Another shortcoming is garden maintenance. Despite the dwellers’ efforts, the garden is not preserved properly. At its margins, garbage can be seen. The City and the Parish Councils, together with the resident’s association, must ensure that the garden is kept clean, decreeing proper care for this space.
The usage of biofertilizers and composting must be encouraged when implementing such an urban project. The dwellers are not inspired to use biowaste or composting as a fertilizer, instead they use chemicals to grow their plants.
Considering the aesthetic point of view, the garden’s frame does not highlight any kind of beauty but rather illustrates decay. Even if the garden is no longer seen as a pleasant structure but as an alternative to obtaining food, the embellishment of the urban landscape must be taken into account.
Community resilience is a major shortcoming of this project. The same resident from the community said that everyone does according to their abilities to maintain the space. Nevertheless, “each one” seems to refer to an individual and not a member belonging to the community. This means, that the members of the community don’t come up together to maintain a clean space or elaborate an irrigation system.
The garden does not have any irrigation system. The dwellers only have a faucet and a hose to water the plants, which they share among themselves. There is no sustainable and efficient irrigation system that discharges essential amounts of water for irrigation. Also, there is no evidence of dwellers’ intentions to create one, since there are no monetary resources or they simply do not want to.
There is no evidence of continuous participation of the City Council and the Parish Council. Their participation was possibly limited only to ceding the land. The City Council and the Parish Council should continuously intervene to support the community.
Adaptation or mitigation strategy?
Due to the climate change problem, new alternatives for a living have been arranged, like installing a garden in an urban space. These alternatives are mitigation or adaptation strategies. Installing a garden in an urban space stand for an adaptation strategy by adopting a new alternative to obtain food or a mitigation strategy by being aware of food waste and consumption.
Urban gardening might be the new farming. An important lesson taken by both strategies is «take what the land gives, harvest what the land produces». This means that, although the goal is to satisfy the population, the land productivity must be taken into account, and is crucial to be alert to food consumption and waste, and overproduction because this may wash out the land and its reduction.
The urban gardening project engages with the climate change problem as a promotion of sustainability that meets urban life and stands for a resilient search for new ways to get food. The gardens give urban space a better quality of life, create more fresh air, sensibilize to food overproduction and, consequently, stimulate environmental consciousness.
A project with limitations
Some limitations interfere with the effective execution of this project. The garden’s placement constitutes a physical limit. The garden places nearby only one building and that might discourage the residents to cultivate. Another limitation might be the resident’s education level, the most did not attend compulsory education, and, therefore, may not be susceptible to learning new topics, for instance, environmental issues. The pollution around the garden hampers land conservation. So, this urban project still has no visible effects and that obfuscates the neighborhood image to the outsiders and it contributes even more to a marginal picture.
A project leading to broader changes
This initiative can lead to broader changes. It purchases the sense of community with dwellers coming up together to preserve their living urban space and work on their resilience, creating effective ways to protect their garden and urban landscape.
The urban gardening project contributes to environmental education being the keyword awareness, firstly, about the issues that have been emerging due to the problem of climate change and then in what ways that changes have impacted people’s lives.
A wider broader change is the implementation of an urban garden for all over the city adjusting to the necessities of each community.
A replicable project
This urban project is replicable, mainly in concept. This means that the implementation of urban gardens should be, unceasingly, a way of intervening in urban space due to the problem of climate change and enhancing urban landscapes. In the Andorinhas Neighborhood case, more work must be done in its design, organization, and environmental education.
References
Abertas as candidaturas para Hortas Comunitárias do Bairro das Andorinhas. (s.d.). Got from Associação dos Moradores do Bairro das Andorinhas: http://ambandorinhas.blogspot.com/
Anonymous. (February de 2022). The Community Urban Garden in the Andorinhas Neighborhood. (V. Pereira, Interviewer)
Economia Circular em Freguesias (JUNTAr+). (s.d.). Got from Fundo Ambiental: https://www.fundoambiental.pt/avisos-anteriores/avisos-2019/residuos-e-economia-circular/economia-circular-em-freguesias-juntar.aspx
Martins, S. F. (2017). Segregação socio-espacial em Braga: o caso de estudo do Bairro das Andorinhas. Repositorium: http://repositorium.sdum.uminho.pt/bitstream/1822/54435/1/Sara%20Filipa%20Lopes%20Martins.pdf
Município de Braga reforça aposta na criação de hortas urbanas. (2016). Got from de Câmara Municipal de Braga: https://www.cm-braga.pt/pt/0201/home/noticias/item/item-1-4102
Silva, J. P. (s.d.). Hortas urbanas nas freguesias de Gualtar e S. Vicente disponíveis até ao final do ano. Got from Correio do Minho: https://correiodominho.pt/noticias/hortas-urbanas-nas-freguesias-de-gualtar-e-s-vicente-disponveis-at-ao-final-do-ano/120599
Walter Molinaro
Rising temperatures and the resulting heat waves in urban areas are just one of the effects of climate change. Although rising temperatures do not bring to our mind disastrous events such as hurricanes or floods, it can have serious consequences on human health.
In Europe, extreme heat appears to be a major cause of death in relation to the effects of climate change. Heat waves cause serious damage to people’s health, and the elderly and children are those who suffer mostly from extreme heat events.
Heat waves don’t seem to be “democratic”. Indeed, they do not affect different areas of the city and the populutation in the same way. If the heat waves are mitigated by the presence of green areas, we immediately understand why they are not so democratic. The green areas in cities are not equally distributed throughout the texture of the cities. In most of the cities around the world is possible to notice how the greatest quantity are present in the wealthy neighborhoods.
Consequently, are the poorest neighborhoods that suffer mostly from this effect, further aggravating the situation of the inhabited areas which, often, have less access to green areas and air conditioning.
Many cities are trying to mitigate the urban heats waves through adaptation and mitigation measures. Some local authorities, thanks to a strong institutional support, are able to build innovative solutions capable of answering to several questions at the same time. The city of Barcelona offers a virtuous case with the project “GBG_AS2C – Blue, Green & Gray_Adapting Schools to Climate Change”, which in 2009 won the European urban innovative action (UIA) project to transform eleven schoolyards into climate shelters. The schools adaptation project aims to mitigate the urban microclimate by transforming schoolyards into climate shelters through the implementation of adaptation actions. The new climate shelters in school courtyards will then be opened to the entire population during school closing hours, and in particular in summer months, as neighborhood parks, where anyone can find shelter from urban heat waves but in particular the most vulnerable people identified in the Climate plan of the city as elderly, children and chronically ill.
In the Barcelona case, the innovation is to intervene on schoolyards with a lens on climate adaptation and transform them into climatically comfortable places, generating both a lowering of the urban micro-climate and new public spaces accessible to all.
The possibility of intervening on public schools was introduced with the Climate Plan, approved in 2018, which declares the need to identify and transform public spaces into climate shelters to tackle urban heat waves. The Climate Plan, also, takes in account the theme of climate justice, promoting actions based on a fair distribution of urban quality in the different areas of the city, creating a “climatically just” Barcelona.
In order to understand the different aspects of the project, an analysis was conducted on various official documents in relation to the Barcelona schools adaptation project and the Climate Plan but also through articles on the themes of urban greening and climate justice.
GBG_AS2C – Blue, Green & Gray_Adapting Schools to Climate Change Project
Location: Barcelona, Catalunya, Spain.
Promoters
To tackle heat waves, the Barcelona climate plan, in line of action three–prevent excessive heat–identifies the need to transform public spaces into climate shelters. Schools and their open spaces have been selected as possible spaces of intervention. Based on this indication, the municipality of Barcelona, in collaboration with various local and territorial authorities, builds an innovative solution based on adaptation and mitigation measures.
In 2019, the project was candidate for the European UIA call with the project “GBG_AS2C – Blue, Green & Gray_Adapting Schools to Climate Change “. The project won the competition and was founded by the European project Urban Innovative Action (UIA).
Beneficiaries
The project “GBG_AS2C – Blue, Green & Gray_Adapting Schools to Climate Change”, in accordance with the objectives and visions of the Climate Plan, identifies all citizens as beneficiaries, but with particular reference to the most fragile people who suffer most from the effect of heat waves.
The project, however, also has direct beneficiaries in the school communities, which most experience the spaces of the school. In fact, children, teachers and school staff in general will receive the greatest benefits.
Engagements with climate change
• Adaptation: creation of green areas and points of water in the schoolyards
• Mitigation: renovation of the energy system of the schools
• Climate Justice: the most vulnerable are placed at the center of the initiative
The GBG_AS2C project is based on the implementation of two measures, two adaptation actions carried out in the open spaces of the schools, and one of mitigation, implemented on the school building.
The adaptation measures are classified into blue and green actions and are intended to create water points, shaded areas, green coats and new gardens that will allow lowering the micro-climate of the area ensuring a greater climatic comfort.
Mitigation initiatives are identified as gray actions and concern the modernization of energy systems with a view to lower consumption and better performance. Although mitigation actions are equally important in contrasting climate change, the adaptation actions will intervene not only on the urban micro-climate but will also have wider repercussions, such as on sociality, when the schoolyards will opened to the entire population.
The Barcelona project, in line with the objectives of the Climate Plan, also takes in account the aspect of climate justice. In order to establish which areas of cities are most affected by extreme heat, various climate analyzes were conducted. The analysis carried out by the Barcelona Region between 2015 and 2017 show how the coolest areas are those located along the coast, while the hottest neighborhoods are those of Les Corts, Eixample Esquerra, Nou Barris and Ciutat Vella. To answer the issue of climate justice, the GBG_AS2C project has developed well-defined criteria to select the pilot schools on which to intervene. In fact, the various criteria include environmental ones aimed at identifying schools located in places most affected by high temperatures, high concentrations of pollution and a lack of green areas. Finally, eleven schools were selected, one for each district.
Figure 1: “Selected schools per Barcelona district” by UIA Project “https://uia-initiative.eu/en/news/adapting-barcelona-climate-change-multicriteria-approach-selection-schools-be-converted”
Objectives
The main objective of the Barcelona project is so described by the proponents: “schools playgrounds will be transformed into climate shelters and be open to the wider public in non-school period” (Uia project, 2020). The general objective of the project is to reduce the effect of heat waves by transforming schoolyards into climatic shelters. Thanks to this transformation, new green areas and new water points will be created that will help lower the urban micro-climate. Once the transformation is complete, the courtyards will be included in the list of climatic shelters in the city and open to the entire population during the closing hours of the school.
The project also has secondary objectives such as promoting a new approach to foster children’s cognitive, social and behavioral development, rising the awareness about environmental problems and organizing course in open spaces of the school. In addition, various meetings have been provided in schools with the aim of informing, communicating and involving not only school users but also the resident population in the neighboring areas. These events aim to raise awareness on climate change, but also to inform the population about the importance of producing adaptation and mitigation actions.
In accordance with the indications of the Climate Plan, the project aims to increase climate justice by implementing actions based on equity.
Finally, there is the goal of further optimizing the participatory process and co-production of the interventions to be implemented. Despite the problems caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, and the impossibility of holding events in person, the co-production meetings were held remotely using the Zoom platform. Net of the opening of the school courtyards, we can say that the structure put in place has led to the desired effects, considering that the school staff, children and parents responded optimally and got involved.
Values
- Participation
- Communication
- Scaling-up
- Links with other projects of the municipality
The fundamental aspect of the project is certainly the participation and co-production of the actions. Several participatory events were organized with the aim of motivating and involving the school community in the project. Pupils, teachers and parents were able to inform designers about the needs of each school and promote ideas and suggestions.
One of the added values of the project is communication. The objective of the communication plan was to inform about four fundamental aspects of the project: 1) to convey the need to adopt adaptation strategies to climate change, 2) to inform the residents of the areas surrounding the schools on the adaptation of schoolyards, 3) to raise awareness of the school community, 4) to inform about the technical and scientific aspects of the project.
As well as participation and communication, replicability and scaling are two other qualitative aspects of the project. The project proved its potential through the achievement of the goals and the opening of the first eleven adapted school courtyards. Given the potential that emerged, it was decided to intervene on other schools; specifically, the aim is to adapt another 29 schools by 2023.
It is possible to notice a scalarity beyond local borders; in fact “the Province of Barcelona has also recognized the potential of the project and has been promoting the conversion of two schools into small cities in the region, to Climate Shelters” (Cartalis, 2021, p.17)
To broaden the social effects, the project aims to give the population, especially the fragile ones, new green areas where they can find shelter from heat waves. In order to allow the opening of the courtyards to the entire population, the project was included in the “Schoolyards Open to the Neighborhood Program” which allows: “the school grounds open to the neighborhood are school spaces that open to public use for citizenship outside school hours, both at the weekend and during school holidays”. (Ajuntament Barcelona, 2020)
Timeline
The project began in the 2019-2020 school year. During the first months of 2020, a preliminary study was carried out for the selection of pilot schools, and mandatory criteria were established in order to decide “the number of schools per district of Barcelona, the type of school and the educational level” (Cartalis, 2020 p.14). As priority criteria, the study considered “the state of environment in the area of the school, the building, the patio and the risk for social exclusion” (ibidem).
Once the preliminary analysis was completed, online meetings were held for each school involving the school community in the co-production of the actions. The works began in June of the same year and finished in three months. The works were scheduled during the summer break so they would not interfere with the school activities.
In 2021, the scale-up phase began aiming to integrate the Climate Shelters project into the wider program “Let’s transform the school yards”. This program aims to transform at least 10 schoolyards per year (Cartalis, 2021).
Visible effects:
- Physical effects
- Social effects
The project has brought visible effects in spatial terms by transforming over 1000m2 of cemented soil into permeable areas. The objectives set by the green and blue measures envisaged by the project were achieved through the planting of several trees and the installation of over 20 water points. According to the Ajuntament de Barcelona, “As a result, 1,000 square meters of natural space was regained, with vegetation in playgrounds and the creation of 2,213 square meters of new shade using pergolas and awnings. In addition, 74 trees were planted and 26 new water sources were installed” (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2020)
The photos below show some of the first eleven schoolyards transformed.
Figure 2: “Plantation of trees at the school yard” by “Uia Project” “https://uia-initiative.eu/en/news/barcelona-city-climate-action”
Figure 3: “Barcelona Schoolyard” by Cristina Visconti
As for the social consequences, the project has had greater impacts in the poorest neighborhoods, where clearly the most vulnerable groups suffer the most from heat waves and have less chance of finding shaded areas to shelter. This view is confirmed by Amorim-Maia, Anguelovski, Chu, et al. which declare “adaptation projects are shown to have a greater social impact on poorer neighborhoods, where residents are generally more vulnerable to heat” (2021).
Actors involved:
• Public Health Agency of Barcelona – sectoral agency
• Barcelona Consortium of Education, Barcelona Cycle of Water
• Public Service Provider
• Barcelona Institute for Global Health
• Higher Education and Research Institute
• Institute for Environmental Science and Technology UAB – Higher Education and Research
Institute
The project for the adaptation of first eleven Barcelona schools was conceived thanks to a strong collaboration between various local and territorial bodies. The municipality of Barcelona was the project leader because of the “extensive experience of the City Council of Barcelona in urban projects (also of environmental and climatic character)” (Cartalis, 2020 p.8) and for the “tradition and experience of the City of Barcelona in participatory processes as developed from other projects” (Ibidem, p.10).
Critical points:
Despite the great value of the climate change adaptation actions proposed by the project and the value of fair distribution, it would have been even more productive to select schools only in neighborhoods where there was a greater need to install the new climate shelters.
Figure 1 shows that two of the eleven selected pilot schools are located in privileged neighborhoods. This consideration does not jeopardize the value of the project; nonetheless, the criteria for selecting schools could be better re-designed, concentrating all the resources on the most vulnerable and marginalized neighborhoods.
Another criticality is linked to the high technical dimension of the proposed interventions. One of the greatest risks is that it is not possible to maintain the technical solutions implemented, both due to the lack of skills of the schoolyards managers and the high costs to be incurred. An example could be that relating to blue solutions, which, as Cartalis (2021) states, require “high maintenance costs”.
Finally, there is a critical point relate to the specifics of the selection announcement for schools. In the first call only primary schools were allowed. But with the upscaling project the inclusiveness of the project has increased since the new call has been opened to all schoollevels.
Replicability
The initiative responds to the proposed objectives and it is replicable, creating more and more climate shelters in schoolyards, thereby making schools one of the engines for adapting to climate change in the city. Intervening on schools to implement adaptation and mitigation to climate change has proved to be an innovative solution. Several cities are thinking about the transformation of schoolyards into neighborhood parks at the service of the entire population.
Schools become important for their distribution and capillarity on the urban texture, which appears to be similar in all European cities. This means that the reasoning on schools as the new green areas of the neighborhood can be replicated and implemented in different cities. With this statement, however, we do not want to propose a “one size fits all” solution. It is known that there are no actions that can be applied in same manner everywhere and there will always be a need to contextualize the intervention based on the context of the place.
Various scholars have argued that schools can play a key role in contrasting the negative effects of climate change. Barò et al. (2021) state that “tree cover in schoolyards or the number of street trees around schools are directly related to urban cooling benefits.” Palestino et al. (2020) declare that “schools can therefore be strengthened and networked to collaborate in the rebalancing of urban metabolism and the quality of neighborhood life”1 (Author’s translation)
Conclusions
The “GBG_AS2C” initiative is a good example of planning to tackle the effects of urban heat waves. There are several added values of the project that make it worthy of attention. The major added values of the project are the participatory and co-production processes leading to the actions and the replicability and scalability of the project.
The implementation of the project was made possible thanks to the good management of the municipality, with a strong tradition of participatory actions and community involvement.
The initiative has led to the creation of new open spaces accessible to all, which bring benefits not only to the school communities that most experience the new climate shelters, but also to the population as a whole, paying attention to the most disadvantaged.
The initiative implemented by the municipality of Barcelona led to think about the importance of involving schools in climate planning processes, expanding the range of possible solutions to tackle the negative effects of climate change. When the scale-up phase is over, it will be possible to further analyze the role of the new climate shelters in relation to the mitigation of the urban micro-climate. It will be interesting to analyze the results achieved in the new “Let’s transform the school yards” program.
Given the effectiveness of adapting schoolyards, the question to ask could be: what will be the next public space where to intervene for tackling climate change and create new climate shelters?
References
1. “Climate Plan”, Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2018, Area of Urban Ecology, Barcelona City Council, at:https://www.barcelona.cat/barcelona-pel-clima/sites/default/files/documents/climate_plan_maig.pdf, [last accessed date: 24 February 2022].
2. “School greening: Right or privilege? Examining urban nature within and around primary schools through an equity lens”, Barò et al., (2021), Landscape and Urban Planning, Volume 208, 104019, ISSN 0169-2046.
3. “Reinventare le scuole come hub di rigenerazione socio-ecologica. Una ricognizione sulle potenzialita’ degli spazi aperti degli istituti superiori di Napoli”, Palestino M. F., Amore M. P., Cuntò S., & Molinaro W., (2020), Bollettino Del Centro Calza Bini, 20(1), 181-196. https://doi.org/10.6092/2284-4732/7550
4. “The Climate Shelters project Journal N° 1”, Cartalis C, (2020), Urban Innovative Action, https://www.uia-initiative.eu/sites/default/files/2020-05/Barcelona_GBGAS2C_Journal.pdf, [last accessed date: 17 February 2022].
5. “The Climate Shelters project Journal N° 2”, Cartalis C, (2021), Urban Innovative Action, https://uia-initiative.eu/en/news/climate-shelters-journal-2-update-barcelonas-project, [last accessed date: 19 February 2022].
6. “The social return of the school yards open to the neighborhood and of the school roads is evaluated”, Ajuntament de Barcelona, https://ajuntament.barcelona.cat/tempsicures/en/noticia/the-social-return-of-the-school-yards-open-to-the-neighborhood-and-of-the-school-roads-is-evaluated, [last accessed date: 20 February 2022].
7. “Upscaling with a vision – The school yard as a school”, Cartalis C, (2021), Urban Innovative Actions, https://uia-initiative.eu/en/news/upscaling-vision-school-yard-school, [last accessed date: 21 February 2022].
8. “Eleven schools turned into climate shelters”, Ajuntament de Barcelona, (2020), https://ajuntament.barcelona.cat/relacionsinternacionalsicooperacio/en/noticia/eleven-schools-turned-into-climate-shelters_988451, [last accessed date: 24 February 2022].
9. ”Intersectional climate justice: A conceptual pathway for bridging adaptation planning, transformative action, and social equity”, Amorim-Maia A. T., Anguelovski I., Chu E., Connolly J., (2022), Urban Climate, Volume 41, 101053, ISSN 2212-0955, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.uclim.2021.101053
10. “Journal No. 3 The “final mile” of the Climate Shelters project: communication, evaluation and replication”, Cartalis C., (2021), Urban Innovative Actions, “https://www.uia-initiative.eu/en/news/journal-no-3-final-mile-climate-shelters-project-communication-evaluation-and-replication#5-summing-up-the-main-aspects, [last accessed date: 17 April 2022].
Flavia Manieri
Washed up toxic litter on a beach in Wales by Beth Jnr licensed under the Unsplash License https://unsplash.com/photos/70e440rPW9g
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented?
Surfers Against Sewage (SAS) is a grassroot movement set up in 1990 that has grown into one of the UK’s leading marine conservation and campaigning charities. It was founded in Porthtowan, a small village in Cornwall, South-West England, and today it has its main headquarters in St Agnes, Cornwall. It was originally set up by Chris Hines and a group of surfers to tackle the single issue of sewage pollution in the British seas and particularly in areas where people were surfing. SAS has been working on water quality since then but over the past decade, it has evolved its campaigns in all sorts of areas and they now work on four key themes: water quality, plastic pollution, ocean and climate change, and marine protection (particularly towards the rewilding of British seas).
While SAS is physically located in Cornwall, they work with volunteers and regional representatives in hundreds of villages, towns, and cities all over the country.
Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
Chris Hines is the founder and original director of Surfers Against Sewage. In the late 80s and early 90s, Chris Hines and other surfers decided to take a stand against the sewage that was flowing freely into the sea and spoiling surfing at their local beach in Cornwall.
Today Chris Hines is not only a surfer and an activist, but also one of the most successful communicators in British environmentalism.
While Surfers Against Sewage began as a response by the surfing community to the dreadful state of British beaches, today SAS members, supporters and volunteers are found among swimmers, dog walkers, paddleboarders, beach cleaners, kite surfers, sun bathers and more. It is a very inclusive organisation, and in fact, their website reads “Not just surfers, not just sewage” (Surfers Against Sewage, n.d.). Everyone is welcome to join and support SAS actions.
What are the main values? What are the main objectives?
As Surfers Against Sewage states on their website, they love their oceans and wish to see them better protected for the future. They value their deep connection with water, and they are fighting for cleaner coastlines, free of sewage and plastic. At the core of the organisation there has always been the wish to build a community of like-minded people and together create positive change for the ocean through education, volunteering, beach cleans, campaigns, parliamentary events and advocacy.
Surfers Against Sewage main objectives are to reduce sewage and plastic pollution in British waters, but broadly speaking SAS also advocates for action on climate change. They aim at empowering communities across the UK to take action to protect oceans, beaches, and wildlife. Furthermore, they want the UK government to recognise the importance of a thriving ocean, for the planet and for the people, and to utilise its capacity as a solution to the climate crisis.
How does this initiative engage with climate?
For the first decade, Surfers Against Sewage was a single-issue campaign, advocating for sewage-free and cleaner seas. Whilst water quality issues still run strongly in the organization, SAS has grown to take on increasingly diverse, complex, and challenging conservation issues, such as marine plastic pollution, the climate crisis and ocean recovery. The organisation has had to adapt to tackle these global threats by developing new environmental initiatives, partnerships, and projects to safeguard surfing habitats.
As they state on their website, today “Surfers Against Sewage”, a name and a message the team loves and stands by, does not fully reflect the range of issues the organisation currently works on or the diversity of the community it represents.
Surfers Against Sewage works towards mitigating and adapting to climate change through several campaigning activities, such as demonstrations, petitions, beach cleans and public engagement programs, to name a few. Their campaign to end plastic pollution on UK beaches is one of the most successful in the country. SAS has been “mobilising and empowering a nationwide network of ocean activists to take actions from the beach front to the front beaches of Parliament” (Surfers Against Sewage, n.d.)
The organization is promoting a range of ways through which people can be involved in the fight against plastic pollution. For example, anyone can join or run a beach clean on any UK beach with SAS support. One of their projects is called Million Mile Clean, which is possibly the biggest beach clean campaign in the country. It is open to everyone, people can clean any location, at any time, and they just need to track their distance, submit the results, and use the hashtag #MillionMileClean when posting on social media. Since the campaign took off, around 4,200 cleans have taken place all over the UK with the help of over 142,400 volunteers who have collected nearly 400,000 kilos of rubbish.
Surfers Against Sewage aims at highlighting the root cause of the plastic crisis we are facing today, which is the systemic over-production and over-consumption of non-essential single-use and polluting plastic. Along with their commitment to promote actions wishing to see UK beaches plastic-free by 2030, they also set up educational programs to inform communities of the danger of plastic, e.g., how greenhouse gas emissions from plastic are accelerating climate breakdown and threatening our ability to maintain a survivable climate. They encourage schools, businesses, and communities to join the plastic-free movement: to date, over 3000 UK schools have signed up and have become plastic free accredited schools, as well as 856 communities and over 4000 businesses, thanks to SAS committed team.
The charity has also been the promoter of a friendly, non-confrontational and high-impact action called Mass Unwrap which sees customers simply doing their shopping and paying as usual but unwrapping their food and collecting the plastic in empty trollies to show how much waste their shopping generates. It is a great way to visually show the sheer scale of plastic packaging and a unique opportunity for customers to raise awareness of excess packaging.
Surfers Against Sewage wishes to create a plastic-free community network to free the places we live and love from single-use plastic. They wish to unite communities in the fight against plastic pollution and it is not about removing all plastic from people’s lives, but to reduce and avoid single-use plastic, one plastic bottle at a time.
Furthermore, SAS raises awareness of the effects that climate change is having on the ocean and champions the oceans’ role as a key tool in tackling climate change. Together with their network of ocean activists, they make sure the voice of the ocean is heard within the climate crisis. They have been doing so by, for example, setting up an Ocean and Climate petition, calling on the UK government to ensure the ocean was at the centre of climate conversations at COP26. SAS also published an Ocean & Climate Report in January 2021 and a Youth Ocean & Climate Manifesto: their ambition is for the UK to be net zero carbon by 2030. They are calling for changes in legislation and government policy and for climate change to be at the centre of decision making across every government department; they are calling for ocean rewilding to remove carbon from the atmosphere and for a blue circular economy which actively regenerates the ocean.
Surfer participating in a SAS beach clean on Croyde Beach in North Devon, UK by Surfing Croyde Bay licensed under the Unsplash License https://unsplash.com/photos/YuI8wTqBpsA
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects? Is this initiative conducive to broader changes?
As mentioned above, SAS started off in 1990 as a grassroot movement, driven by a group of passionate surfers in a small village in South-West England, and today it is a very successful and well-respected marine conservation charity in the UK. Described by the BBC as being among the British government’s most sophisticated environmental critics, Surfers Against Sewage has helped to bring about enormous environmental change in the country.
Their high-impact campaign against sewage early on was one of SAS biggest achievements and probably what made them one of the leading UK marine conservation charities today. In the early 90s, SAS challenged the EU Bathing Water Directive and the Urban Waste Water Treatment Directive 1991 and campaigned to secure higher water quality standards at all UK bathing waters. They soon became high profile eco-activists and, clad in wetsuits and gasmasks, carried surfboards into boardrooms and political meetings, advocating for cleaner waters. As a result of their work, the UK has seen massive investment in the sewerage infrastructure and much higher bathing water standards protecting the health of surfers, swimmers, and all other recreational water users all over the UK. In 2016, 98.5% of England’s bathing water passed the Bathing Water Directive’s minimum standards, compared to what would have been only 27% in 1990 when Surfers Against Sewage started campaigning.
In 2013, Surfers Against Sewage delivered the biggest petition in enviro-surf history at 10 Downing Street, calling for better recognition and protection of Sites of Special Surfing Interest in the UK. The Protect Our Waves petition was supported by over 55,000 people and it has led to the formation of SAS’s own All Party Parliamentary Group. This is an extraordinary platform for SAS to raise its coastal conservation concerns with politicians in Parliament.
Today SAS runs one of the UK’s biggest campaigns to tackle marine litter, mobilising thousands of community volunteers every year, lobbying government and industry for more urgent action to reduce the tide of plastic on UK beaches and highlighting the issue in the mainstream media.
2021 was a crucial year for the organisation, built on a foundation of many years of campaigning. SAS managed to make water quality and sewage pollution a priority issue in the Environmental Act. They were successful in calling for the legal obligations on real-time sewage pollution information from water companies and a commitment to Parliament reporting on a new plan to tackle sewage pollution in 2022. The amendments that were passed would help drive a progressive reduction in the amount of sewage pollution in the UK.
Which limits does it encounter?
As most grassroots organisations advocating for changes in environmental legislations, Surfers Against Sewage are no different in finding challenges when dealing with politicians and water companies. In a recent interview Hugo Tagholm, CEO of Surfers Against Sewage, points out that after their successful campaign against sewage started in the 1990s, which drove to an important decade of investment to tackle sewage pollution, “water companies have become complacent as they tend to put profits before the environment” (Our Shared Seas, 2022).
Holding politicians and water companies accountable is one of the difficult tasks of the organisation, but SAS is committed to drive change, and they believe it is fundamental to pressure the government and the water industry into prioritising the ocean’s needs. While the system in place can somehow limit their work, SAS greatest strength is the millions of people they inspire, engage, and mobilize to care and act every day.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
Surfers Against Sewage are a hugely proactive organization and their aim of building more resilient communities in the UK has proven very successful over the years. SAS has been inspiring thousands of people nationwide to rethink plastic consumption and to act against climate change. They bring communities of ocean lovers together using a varied range of tools which allow their actions to be accessible and available to most people. Their website is easy to navigate and it is the best way to find out how to get involved. They have a great social media presence and promote action via Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter. However, I am not sure whether finding information about SAS and their activities can prove challenging for digitally excluded people. People living by the water, particularly in coastal towns, would probably know SAS for their beach cleans and many actions of civil disobedience over the years. On the contrary, others who do not have direct and frequent access to the sea, may not be aware of SAS unless they are on social media and/or intentionally look for activities that SAS would be promoting. Perhaps organising more public engagement activities through regional representatives and ambassadors around the UK would help reaching out those people who are digitally excluded. According to a study conducted by the Office for National Statistics, in 2018 there were still 5.3 million adults in the UK who never used internet or had not used it in the previous 3 months (ONS 2019).
Surfers Against Sewage offers a number of ways through which people can take action and support their work. Yet, some of their events are not fully accessible to everyone as, for example, beach cleans and some acts of civil disobedience cannot be always accessed by elderly or people with disability. This is not unique to SAS and I think it is a problematic issue for many grassroots organizations, mostly because our cities, towns and villages are not truly disabled-accessible and all-ages-friendly. It would be great to have SAS ensure that all their events are age-friendly and with disabled access. Although, I fully understand that accessibility is a much bigger issue that in some cases would be beyond SAS capacities.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
Surfers Against Sewage started in a small coastal village in Cornwall but over the years it has created a nationwide network of ocean activists, and today supports villages, towns, and cities all over the UK. In view of that, SAS can very easily be replicated in other settings and other countries.
A similar organisation has, in fact, recently been set up in Australia with the name Surfers for Climate. The movement was started in October 2019 by surfers Johnny Abegg and Belinda Baggs, and it became a registered charity in 2020 with its headquarters in Byron Bay, a popular coastal town in New South Wales, Australia. Surfers for Climate seems to share very similar values with their partner organisation Surfers Against Sewage: they love and respect the ocean; they welcome surfers and ocean lovers of all abilities, from all identities, backgrounds, and beliefs; they wish to connect and collaborate with like-minded communities, businesses and organisations to make change happen. Both organisations also share similar goals, although while Surfers for Climate seems to be more oriented towards campaigning against coastal and offshore fossil fuel development, SAS prioritizes the fight against plastic and sewage. Surfers for Climate is a much recent organisation, but they seem to be off to a great start as they have already caught the attention of thousands of people from the surfing community across Australia.
As many of us around the world love the ocean, I believe that Surfers Against Sewage can and should be used as a model for great change and replicated worldwide.
References
Office for National Statistics. (2019). Exploring the UK’s digital divide.
Our Shared Seas. (2022). Turning the Tide on Sewage Pollution in the UK: An Interview with Surfers Against Sewage, https://oursharedseas.com/interview-surfers-against-sewage/
Pullman, E., Slack, A. and Tagholm, H. (2021). Ocean & Climate Report. Surfers Against Sewage,
https://www.sas.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/SAS-Ocean-Climate-Report-2020-Digital.pdf
Surfers Against Sewage. (n.d.). Youth Ocean & Climate Manifesto. Accessed February 15, 2022, https://www.sas.org.uk/youthoceanclimatesummit/
Surfers Against Sewage. (n.d.). About us. Accessed February 10, 2022,
https://www.sas.org.uk/about-us/
Surfers Against Sewage. (n.d.). Mission & Vision. Accessed February 10, 2022,
https://www.sas.org.uk/about-us/mission-vision/
Surfers Against Sewage. (n.d.). Mass Unwrap. Accessed February 13, 2022,
https://www.sas.org.uk/organise-a-mass-unwrap/
Surfers Against Sewage. (n.d.). Million Mile Clean. Accessed February 13, 2022,
Surfers Against Sewage. (n.d.). News. Accessed February 13, 2022,
https://www.sas.org.uk/latest-news/
Surfers for Climate. (n.d.). Our Story. Accessed February 19, 2022,
https://surfersforclimate.org.au/our-story
Waldron, B. (2018). Agents of Change: Surfers Against Sewage. Surfer.
https://www.surfer.com/blogs/agents-of-change/surfers-against-sewage-hugo-tagholm-interview/
The Case of Food Cooperative ‘Hansalim’ in South Korea
Joohee Lee
With the growing concerns over the ongoing global sustainability crises such as climate change and the COVID-19 pandemic, social movement-based momentum for change is needed more than ever. Indeed, top-down, country-level efforts to achieve sustainable development goals (SDGs) have exposed a clear level of political limitations and inertia over the years. Non-governmental and local-level SDG action, on the contrary, has seen significant growth thanks to the flexibility and locality embedded in their unconventional ideas and innovations. Cooperatives are one of those innovators on the front lines of SDGs. This entry sheds light on the unique role of food cooperatives, defined as consumer-owned food distribution organizations, in enhancing climate awareness and action among customers by promoting healthy food, fair trade, and grassroots movements.
Background on the Hansalim Movement
As a case study, I investigated a South Korean food cooperative called Hansalim (or 한살림 in Korean), which means ‘saving all living beings’ and also ‘living in unity.’ Hansalim began as a small local rice shop in Seoul, South Korea in 1986, and is now one of the oldest and largest food cooperatives in the country. Its initial goal as a community-serving food network was to connect rural and urban areas for fair exchange of fresh and organic food. This agricultural and food innovation quickly appealed to customers in urban areas, who were interested in healthy eating and mutual growth with rural communities. In 2017, Hansalim supplied $423 million worth of ethically produced and traded food items from 2,000 individual farms to approximately 644,000 families (Hansalim, 2016). As of 2022, the cooperative is running 240 local stores across Korea (See Figure 1). They continue to evolve not only in terms of numbers, but also in terms of creativity that can alter the unjust and unsustainable food-climate-energy system with grassroots power.
In 2014, Hansalim received the One World Award, which honors experiments that exhibit positive and creative examples of globalization based on sustainability, for its accomplishments and inspirations (One World Award, n.d.). Hansalim’s approach to food-energy-climate justice has also been recognized and discussed in academic work (Kim, Lee, Shin & Jang, 2020; Pak and Kim, 2016; Choi, 2009). One study positively evaluated the co-op by showing that Hansalim illustrates a successful and practical example of an intellectual movement based on ecophilosophy and bio-regionalism. (Pak and Kim, 2016; Suh, 2015). The concept of Hasalism was also viewed as a trust-based social economy that brings urban and rural communities together in a globalized market environment (Choi, 2009). In the following sections, I explore the philosophical and organizational drivers behind the Hansalim movement.
Figure 1: A local Hansalim store in Seoul, South Korea. Image by Joohee Lee.
Hansalim’s Organizational Values and Principles
According to Hansalim, their movement is based on five core principles: 1) respect for life, 2) respect for Mother Earth, 3) respect for community, 4) respect for ecosystems, and 5) the spirit of ‘change begins from me’ (Hansalim, n.d.a). These principles have guided the food cooperative’s three focus areas. The first and foremost focus area is to save people’s tables. To fulfill this goal, Hansalim connects producers and consumers directly (75% of total sales revenues go to the contract farmers), organizes educational programs and campaigns to promote food sustainability, and gets involved in policy-making processes to enhance the country’s food production and distribution systems. Secondly, to save our agriculture, Hansalim supports farmers who produce safe and organic food, creates funds to protect ecologically sound local farms, and organizes activities between rural and urban communities. Last but not least, Hansalim is committed to saving our life and planet by promoting the value of our life and planet through research, education, publication activities, and practicing alternative ways of living in harmony with nature and neighbors. Hansalim’s principles of everyday sustainability and well-being show the potential in cooperative-led food-climate-energy justice action as a bottom-up movement for sustainable consumerism and climate activism. As seen in Figure 2, Hansalim local stores serve not only as food stores but also as small, local learning commons for grassroots-based sustainability movements.
Figure 2: Hansalim stores offer and recommend books concerning food sovereignty and environmental justice. Image by Joohee Lee.
Hansalim’s Efforts in Local Climate Action
In the face of the rapidly growing threat of the climate crisis, Hansalim’s passion for agricultural sustainability has naturally extended to the issue of food-climate-energy justice due to the inseparable linkage between the three areas for sustainable living. While their core organizational goal is most relevant to food and agriculture-related SDGs (e.g., SDG 2 “End hunger, achieve food security and improved nutrition and promote sustainable agriculture” and SDG 12 “Ensure sustainable consumption and production patterns”), their activities and programs for members also cover other SDGs related to energy, climate, and social justice.
For example, the cooperative recently launched a program called ‘Climate Conversation at the Dining Table,’ which invites members to end ‘climate silence’ and share ideas and experiences about the topic of climate change with friends and family, as a way of normalizing and routinizing these conversations. Talking about the climate crisis more frequently can remind us of the severity and prevalence of the issue. In a similar vein, the cooperative encourages members to consider introducing more vegetarian dishes to their dining tables for healthy eating and a reduced carbon footprint. They feature Hansalim members’ simple and creative vegetarian recipes in their newsletter, blog, and social media. Also, the cooperative collects and recycles used containers of its products (e.g., glass jars and milk paper cartons) and incentivizes participants of this program with gifts or store credit for future use at local stores. The cooperative provides clear directions for how to clean and return used containers, for example, via its YouTube channel or social media platforms to promote these customer-engaging programs (Hansalim, 2015). As shown in Figure 3, its recent introduction of the ‘Bring Your Own Container’ section for grains is another effort to encourage customers to use fewer disposables and contribute to sustainable consumerism.
Figure 3: Hansalim stores offer less-packaging options with which customers can use their own containers for items sold by weight (e.g., grains). Image by Joohee Lee.
As part of its mission to provide customers with environmentally and socially sustainable products, the organization also supports grassroots activities like anti-GMO and anti-nuclear power generation movements. For instance, the 2011 Fukushima nuclear accident strongly motivated the cooperative to introduce a rigorous self-inspection system for the radiation level of their items and to oppose the Korean government’s expansion of nuclear power generation. Instead, the organization advocates for localized and small-scale energy projects that promote energy conservation and replacement of carbon-intensive and high-risk energy systems with renewable ones. In 2012, the Hansalim community created a solar energy cooperative, called Hansalim Sunlight Generation Cooperative, separately to fund the installation of solar PV systems on Hansalim’s facilities. This energy cooperative also provides energy-related educational programs to local communities and sends sustainable energy items, like solar lanterns, to energy-vulnerable communities abroad.
Another interesting project of Hansalim beyond food-related issues is clothing recycling for socio-environmental causes. Every year, they resell used clothing donated by customers and redirect the sales revenue to at-risk neighborhoods in Korea and beyond (e.g., financial support for local schools in Karachi, Pakistan). Since the launch of this program in 2017, the cooperative has collected 560 tons of clothing in total, which is equivalent to reducing greenhouse gases by 3,500 tons (Hansalim, n.d.b).
Limits and Future Opportunities
Hansalim programs could be further developed and promoted for broader participation of the public living in urban areas. An especially important problem is that not all customers are fully aware of Hansalim’s grassroots activities and projects for food-climate-energy sustainability. In the future, the cooperative can consider increasing the visibility of these efforts by implementing creative advertisement strategies and learning from best practices done by similar cooperatives in other countries. In addition, Hansalim should continue its support program for visitors from other countries, especially developing economies, who visit them to learn successful programs and organizational strategies for application in their cultural and societal contexts.
In 2021, the cooperative’s research unit, the Moshim and Salim Institute, published a book about the Hansalim movement in English for those interested in the organization’s history and vision beyond the boundaries of South Korea (Hansalim, 2021). Hansalim Manifesto is an English translation of the book originally released in 1989 in the Korean language that invited readers to rethink the long-term effects of industrial civilization and technological society on humanity and ecosystems. Continued endeavors to connect with global communities by sharing the organization’s experiments and lessons are highly suggested. In the same vein, interacting and collaborating with similar organizations in other countries can allow Hansalim to learn different perspectives on food sustainability and continue to expand its vision for everyday food-climate-energy justice.
References
Choi, H. (2009). Institutionalization of trust as response to globalization: The case of consumer cooperatives in South Korea. Transition Studies Review, 16(2), 450-461. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11300-009-0082-1.
Hansalim (2021). Hansalim Manifesto (In English). Available at http://www.mosim.or.kr/arc_list/3946?ckattempt=1.
Hansalim. (2018). Hansalim Story: Together Again and Fresher (In English). Available at https://issuu.com/7307/docs/2018______________-______.
Hansalim. (2015). YouTube Video on “How to Recycle Hansalim Glass Jars” (In Korean). Available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xwy_6i1yfaE&t=2s.
Hansalim. (n.d.a) About Hansalim (In Korean). https://shop.hansalim.or.kr/shopping/worldmeal/introduce.do.
Hansalim. (n.d.b). Hansalim Clothing Recycling: Achievements (In Korean). Available at https://hansalimotsalim.modoo.at/?link=eoi0ud2q.
Hansalim. (2016). The 30th anniversary of Hansalim: Growth from 1,500 to 600,000 member households (In Korean). Available at https://m.blog.naver.com/PostView.naver?isHttpsRedirect=true&blogId=hansalim&logNo=220880021217.
Kim, S., Lee, Y., Shin, H., & Jang, S. (2020). Chapter 20: Korea’s consumer cooperatives and civil society: the cases of iCOOP and Hansalim. In Waking the Asian Pacific Co-Operative Potential (pp. 225-233). Academic Press. https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-816666-6.00020-3.
One World Award. (n.d.). The Korean Hansalim Federation One World Award Gold 2014 (In English). Available at https://www.one-world-award.com/hansalim-korea.html.
Pak, M. S., & Kim, J. (2016). Ecophilosophy in modern East Asia: The case of Hansalim in South Korea. Problemy Ekorozwoju–Problems of Sustainable Development, 11(1), 15-22. https://ssrn.com/abstract=2830453.
Suh, J. (2015). Communitarian cooperative organic rice farming in Hongdong District, South Korea. Journal of Rural Studies, 37, 29-37. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jrurstud.2014.11.009.
Anna Kryukova
The green bonds initiative
In April 2021, the Moscow government adopted a new concept of the city’s green bonds. All the funds received from their placement were supposed to be spent on construction of the new metro stations and purchase of electric buses [1] [2]. The bonds worth 70 billion rubles were issued by the city government on the Moscow Exchange in May 2021 and later in September were presented on the list of securities of the Luxembourg Stock Exchange [3]. The issue was carried out in accordance with the Green Bond Principles (GBP) of the International Capital Market Association that also confirmed that the project met Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) [4] [5]. Thus, it became a part of international sustainable finance community.
In this entry, I explore the specifics and possible impacts of this initiative and challenges that it faces. In particular, I reflect on the project’s engagement with climate change, its objectives, values, feasibility, and limits.
Moscow’s background
In this section, I briefly outline the environmental issues that city faces, as they have determined the features of the green bonds initiative. Moscow’s 2021 population was 12,6 million people. It is the largest Russian city with developed industry, services, and urban infrastructure. Accordingly, the emission issues are relevant. Moscow is one of the worst polluters among the world cities: annually it emits more than 110 million tons of CO2 equivalent into the atmosphere [6]. Although the main source of emissions in Moscow is the energy sector, the popularity of cars powered by internal combustion engine also worsens the situation, additionally affecting air quality and contributing to heavy traffic. Several ratings on the traffic situation in the world cities contain very different data and results, however, according to TomTom traffic index, as of 2021, the Moscow region has taken the second place in the traffic index with congestion level of 61% [7]. According to INRIX 2021 Global Traffic Scorecard, Moscow is the 4th most congested city in the world with 108 hours lost in congestion annually [8].
Environmental, climate, and social relevance of the initiative
The Moscow administration considers the initiative to be a part of city’s efforts to achieve the following Sustainable Development Goals: Goal 11 (Sustainable Cities and Communities) and Goal 13 (Climate Action) [9]. This project is one of the city’s tools to reduce GHG emissions by 30% by 2030, improve air quality and thus public health. As the project is completed, Moscow has to become a healthier and more accessible place to live in.
Although the main reason for issuing the bonds is directly to addresses climate change, the project also greatly affects the city’s infrastructure and improves mobility. According to the mayor Sergey Sobyanin, the metro will become more accessible for ~800 thousand of Moscow residents. Travel time from one area to another will be reduced approximately by 20 percent, so all the residents using metro will benefit at some point [10]. The administration experts claim that more than thirteen thousand people will switch from personal cars to public transport when Bolshaya Koltsevaya line (also known as Big Circle Line) is completed. Moreover, some areas around the new stations are planned to be landscaped and arranged with greenery, so that local residents get a chance to have a better rest outside. This measure will contribute to climate adaptation as well, as the heat waves are relevant for Moscow. The total zone of such improvements should make up to approximately 44 hectares. Also the local government plans to construct bicycle parking stations near the metro, so the residents who use bikes as a transportation source, will also benefit [11]. It is not clear, whether such improvements will be done only with funds collected under the green bonds, however, these projects are interconnected at any rate.
According to officials, the proposed transport infrastructure will lead to the following greenhouse gas emissions reduction: carbon dioxide by 20,900 tons per year, and other pollutants by 885,5 tons per year (starting from 2023). For illustration, CO2 emissions from one diesel bus and one electric bus are estimated at 64.9 and 4.4 t / year on average, respectively [12]. Replacing just one diesel bus with an electric one allows to reduce the air pollutant emissions by 190-260 kg per year [13].
The initiative has one more impact that is not so obvious and that is related to citizens’ financial literacy. The administration is willing to involve the residents in financing the city’s green projects and thus increase their financial awareness. In late 2021, the representatives of local government claimed that the bonds exclusively for private investors were going to be issued. However, it is unclear for the author at this point if such initiative has been fulfilled yet.
Implementation status and challenges
Now I outline the progress that has already been made and criticism that the initiative faces.
Maturity date for the Moscow green bonds is May 18, 2028. The low-carbon transport project will be completed by the end of 2023, and it is not clear at the moment what kind of measures will be taken after that. As for now, the authorities have already made a particular progress, for instance, ten metro stations were opened in December 2021 [14]. In general, the Big Circle Line has to be completed by the end of 2023 [15] with 18 new stations built and 3 stations reconstructed. About 48 kilometers of the metro lines are going to be built or reconstructed.
According to the plan, the electric buses have to be purchased in 2021-2023. In total, the administration plans to buy approximately 1675 of them on the funds collected from the green bonds issue. As of November 2021, 800 electric buses have already been purchased. The Moscow city government plans to procure another 500 in 2022 [16].
The bonds turned out to be quite popular: demand exceeded supply by 1.2 times. The authorities have stated that the citizens in particular showed a high demand for green bonds. They have already invested about 700 million rubles in the project – that is the main reason for the local government to issue the bonds for individual investors [17].
Despite the existing success of the project and its ambitious goals, it is still being criticized. I have outlined three groups of disaffection:
- First of all, although the authorities claim that a lot of people are going to switch from personal cars to metro as the Big Circle Line is completed, some experts do not believe that this will improve the heavy traffic situation in Moscow. For instance, Peter Shkumatov, auto expert and coordinator of a famous Russian public movement ‘Blue buckets’ (fought against self-serving use of emergency rotating blue flashers by public servants) claims that the incentive parking could have enhanced the effect and reduced the traffic, but not the metro infrastructure alone [18].
- The cost of the new electric buses is also being criticized: they are three times more expensive in comparison with the common diesel buses and trolleybuses. The maintenance cost is also too high [19]. Many urbanists (for instance, Maxim Katz) and citizens (‘Moscow for trolleybus’ movement) have actively criticized the administration’s decision to abandon trolleybuses, as they have more range and are more environmentally friendly [20] [21].
- Also the diesel heaters are reported to be installed in the purchased electric buses, and that makes them much less environmentally friendly during winters. As the Deputy General Director of Kamaz (the company that manufactures the Moscow electric buses) states himself, the analogues that use electricity for heat do exist, for instance, in China [22]. According to the Moscow Vice Mayor Maxim Liksutov, the city plans to purchase the models that are fully powered by electricity, without diesel heating in 2022 [23].
A critical reflection and a future of the initiative
As the Moscow administration claims, the authorities of other Russian regions and cities have already expressed their interest in issuing their own green bonds, for instance, Saint Petersburg, Moscow Oblast,[1] and Krasnodar Krai [24]. It is a very important fact for the environmental protection, but I see even a greater potential in this. The power of regions in Russia is limited by many issues. Moscow’s attempt to take action in tackling climate change could encourage other regions not only to become more ambitious non-state actors in the global climate regime, but also to truly strengthen the federalism in the country. However, I had made such a suggestion before the war against Ukraine began. Now the Russian people face the mobilization times: free speech and anti-war movement are being prosecuted, unprecedented sanctions make the federal government limit both green agenda (many federal programs are being postponed) and regions’ opportunities to decide their development directions.
As of March 2022, due to Russian’s invasion of Ukraine and the sanctions imposed, the Moscow bonds were suspended from the Luxembourg Stock Exchange. Also the International Capital Market Association (ICMA), being an influential center for sustainable development initiative, suspended all Russian members [25]. With no doubt, the project of Moscow administration and the green agenda in general will be greatly affected in Russia from now on.
The project has the following joint co-organizers (investment banks engaged in Bond issuance): Alfa Bank, BCS Global Markets, VTB Capital, Gazprombank, Credit Bank of Moscow, Otkritie Bank, Promsvyazbank, Raiffeizenbank, Rosbank, Region Broker, Russian Agricultural Bank, Sber CIB, Sovkombank. Due to the war, the sanctions were imposed on many of them. Moreover, the foreign investors probably will not be interested in Russian state bonds in the nearest future, even the green ones. The author doubts that domestic investors will be able to cover the whole project now, although at the very beginning the Moscow administration expected the demand of Russian investors to be sufficient.
Despite all this, I consider the green bonds to be an effective instrument that could boost the changes and contribute to climate change mitigation and adaptation. The financial mechanisms have a great potential of accelerating the voluntary transformation and raising ambition.
Although the validity of some decisions made in the green bonds project is questionable, for example, the choice of certain models of electric buses, the general approach of promoting green mobility is promising. The initiative does not only improve the environmental state of Moscow, but also takes into account the social part of the transformation related to climate change. Such transition has to be a part of sustainable development in a broader sense. Also, although the decentralization in Russia will obviously be delayed, the accumulated experience and acquired skills can be used in the future. The transformation is still possible.
References
[1] Moscow and Moscow Oblast are different independent regions. While Moscow Oblast has several cities and other kinds of settlements and it’s a standard region according to Russian law, Moscow has a special status, being both a region and city. The same goes to St. Petersburg.
By Angelina Grelle
Ponticelli is a district in the eastern outskirts of the metropolitan city of Naples. It is a complex neighborhood, mostly born after the ’80 earthquake, with an emergency plan. For this reason, it assumes a complex identity: It is a neighborhood with its historic centre, and its suburb recently built. This space’s conformation brings a different perception of the district between old and new habitants. Moreover, Ponticelli in the past had been a swampland that was reclaimed in the ‘700-‘800. Today in Ponticelli there are frequent floods that cause a lot of damage. Frequent flooding is caused, not only by the orographic conformation of the land but also by the numerous impermeable soils or soils that have lost their quality in terms of drainage due to waste abandonment and frequent fires. Furthermore, the neighborhood is at the mercy of organized crime.
Following the 1980 earthquake, Ponticelli was interested by a massive urban intervention that included the creation of a large park, dedicated to Fratelli de Filippo (De Filippo’s Brothers). It’s 122k square meters between paved area, green areas, playground, and artificial hills. After the construction, this park has been abandoned and vandalized. In 2015, an area inside the park was entrusted by the municipality to a center dedicated to the treatment and support for drug addicted people, part of the local public health office (Lilliput center, ASL Napoli 1) in collaboration with a social cooperative (ERA GESCO). The entrusted area was dedicated to the creation of urban gardens. Slowly the gardens have grown and from a few plots of land came in 2019 to 145 cultivated terraces with a waiting list of 200 people interested to be included in the project. Last year it expanded further, involving another 50 terraces in the central area of De Filippo Park. To take care of the gardens are associations, parishes, schools, but also ordinary citizens, from different social classes. The strength of the gardens of Ponticelli is not only that the project has recovered an abandoned area but also it has created a community in which people support and help each other.
From the environmental point of view, no pesticides are employed in the gardens. Biodiversity is respected by respecting the natural cycle of the seasons. The gardens today represent an example of sustainable environmental, social and economic development. Many initiatives take place in the gardens. Schools and associations often use the gardens as a venue for various events.
Figure 1– Urban gardens plan. Photo by the author.
The urban garden of Ponticelli can be considered an adaptation strategy if we look at the drainage system built in collaboration with the University Federico II of Naples, Department of Architecture. Through a network of canals and cisterns, that system helped to avoid any waste of water. On the other hand, the urban garden responds to the needs of mitigation as it reduces CO2 emissions, lowering the cost of transport by promoting the km0 consumption and reducing waste related to packaging. The urban garden of Ponticelli brings into play actions that address several objectives of the European Agenda such as: ensuring health and well-being, ending hunger, making cities inclusive and sustainable, ensuring sustainable consumption and production patterns, and ensuring peace justice.
Currently, gardens are facing a complicated period. Recently they have been increasingly vandalized: irrigation systems have been tampered with, trees uprooted, tools stolen, and crops ruined. Because of the socio-economic structure of the neighborhood small vandalism events have always occurred in the gardens, but recently these accidents have increased, to the point of requiring the intervention of public forces. The association Sepofà has become the spokesperson for these requests that hopefully will not go unheard. In a fragile neighborhood like Ponticelli, initiatives such as the social garden are often targeted by mafia. Clearly, when the most disadvantaged social classes are marginalized and their neighborhood transformed into a ghetto, they can easily be subjugated by criminal organizations, as they often become the only “presence” on the territory. For this reason, initiatives such as the social garden represent an alternative to show citizens that there are virtuous realities and a different way of life. It emphasizes how sometimes systems of injustice and inequity are not related to legal and “linear” dynamics, but rather, in certain contexts, are perpetrated by social and cultural conditions that arise from deep-seated social discomfort, leading those who most need change to be the first enemies of change. How does this cycle thicken? If it is true that climate change adaptation entails social transformations that contribute to more just and sustainable political, social, and economic systems, it is necessary that institutions support initiatives like communitarian gardens so they can thrive and play a key environmental and social role.
Figure 2- One of the terraces. We can see how well these are cared for and maintained.
Photo by the author.
This system is replicable elsewhere. There are numerous examples of urban gardens around the world that take their cue from the most distinct initiatives, some implemented from below as in the case of Ponticelli, but often also driven by institutional initiatives. Is there any certainty that these always work? No, as we have seen in the case of Ponticelli even when all goes well unexpected things can happen. This does not mean that it should not be an initiative supported and implemented, rather it means that we need more commitment from both institutions and citizens to protect these initiatives.
References
Alessandro Bottone on “Il Mattino”, (18 giugno 2021) ‘Ponticelli altre 50 terrazze nell’orto sociale’https://www.ilmattino.it/napoli/citta/ponticelli_altre_cinquanta_terrazze_nell_orto_sociale-6030459.html
Alessandro Bottone on “Il Mattino” (3 febbraio 2022) ‘Orto di Ponticelli, raccolta fondi per riparare ai danni dei vandali’ https://www.ilmattino.it/napoli/cronaca/orto_di_ponticelli_raccolta_fondi_riparare_danni_vandali_napoli-6481010.html
Jenkins, K. “Setting energy justice apart from the crowd: Lessons from environmental and climate justice.” Energy Research & Social Science, 39, 117–121. (2018). doi: 10.1016/j.erss.2017.11.015
A Visit to the Museum of Conviviality
By Shayan Shokrgozar
A tall Persian man wearing a matte red tie turned to his audience of 20 bright-eyed bachelor’s students. His eyes shone as he surveyed the smiles in the crowd.
Welcome to the Museum of Conviviality. My name is Arash Kamangir and I have been a guide here for about five years. Today, I have the pleasure of showing you around this historic building. As you all may know, we were established 50 years ago on the 200th anniversary of Limits to Growth. A report that urged human societies to limit growth on population increase, agricultural production, non-renewable resource depletion, industrial output, and pollution generation. Its central message being that the earth cannot support the rates of economic and population growth much beyond the year 2100, if that long, even with advanced technology. Though Limits to Growth had strengths and weaknesses of its own, in retrospect it is difficult not to see it as a course-altering document, the effects of which one can see even today. Although Limits was a historic report, we must not forget that the 1970s was a decade that promised a different and rich future full of possibilities. There was the Stockholm Declaration of 1972 that sought to advance “intellectual, moral, social and spiritual growth.” The rise of ecological economics through the likes of Georgescu-Roegen, deep ecology through Arne Næss, and a growing critique of development and industrialization coming from Ivan Illich among others. So, the museum is a celebration of many of those ideas, and much of what you will see here are the principles and actions that can be seen as coming from the same pluriverse as the ones inspired by it.
A college student of perhaps 22 years stepped forward. “Hi, I’m Mehran and I was wondering if you can tell us how the museum acquired its name?”
Good question. The name Conviviality is inspired by and is an homage to Ivan Illich and his book, Tools for Conviviality. In that book, Illich argued for a reorientation of the use of tools and the role of institutions. He called for a new type of research that is oriented toward alternatives to the dominant forms of production, which were at the time dominated by industrial forms. His hope was for these to then lead to new forms of organizing life and society, away from industrialization and towards conviviality. Thanks for the question, just let me know if something doesn’t make sense.
Adjusting his suspender – with its paisley pattern – Arash points to the first exhibition: a wall decorated with images of David Ricardo, Jean Baptiste Say, Karl Marx, John Maynard Keynes, Friedrich August Hayek, Karl Polanyi, Nicholas Georgescu Roegen, Thomas Piketty, among many others. Filled with carefully curated graphs from some of the most prominent institutes of the late 20th-mid 21st century – the World Bank, UN Reports, trade treaties, and so forth.
Given the centrality of economics and scarcity, we will begin today’s tour with an exploration of ecological economics that holds the core premise that finite resources and ecology make the continued growth of the economy unsustainable. This ecological and scientific understanding of the world made the scholar Joan Martinez Alier write about attaining a concrete utopia through radical social change. In many ways, the ideas about a Pluriverse – or universe of universes – were very much inspired by how to make a concrete or feasible utopia. The Pluriverse brought all these different ideas of organizing societies together, right. Based on, for example, Queer Love, Ubuntu, Buen Vivir, Deep Ecology, Ecofeminism, and many other thoughts, the Pluriversal thinking, especially starting in the 2030s, brought many of these worlds in conversation together. Through their collective strength, these movements managed to confront what was at the time a conception of modernity as universal – through which humans were expected to live in a single, globalized world with science as the only reliable truth and harbinger of progress. It followed with the certainty of Victorian rectitude that advanced societies had an obligation to assist the “backward”. Which conveniently, continued to play well for the needs of the wealthiest nations and entities. Any questions so far?
Arshiya, a second-year Bachelor’s student wearing a rose-colored shawl, wandered away from the group to inspect the next exhibit. It was a miniature model of the city in which they stood – Tehran, Persia. But instead of fields of rye, carrot, lettuce, intermixing with forests and cabin communities like she was used to, the city was defined by wide roads, big cars that pedestrians had to wait for. “Could you explain how it benefited the wealthiest nations and entities?”
In short, a lot of the labor-intensive work and extraction of raw materials was carried out in countries and communities that were largely not benefiting from the exchange. They had their air and water polluted and often even contaminated in the name of development – which were well-documented by initiatives such as the Environmental Justice Atlas – and this often led to losing customary access to lands that people used for subsistence-based lives. Hope that clarifies my point a bit? So yeah, despite devastating climate disasters and a long struggle of living in the ruins of the dark days of modernity and industrialization, it took a lot for small pockets of peoples to create the thriving ecosystems based on a need-based economy that today seem normal. For example, the idea that nation-states can be abandoned in favor of bioregions and consensus-based societies – informed by local ecological dynamics – was a lengthy effort. In Tehran, today, we see people practicing permaculture and organizing themselves within grassroots communities, but in the top-down societies of the past it was very hard to imagine organizing society is this way, which some would argue sprouted from the transition town network movement of the centuries past.
In the midst of the tour, Arvin, a young and bright lecturer in history, glances around the hall with its low-energy intensive materials, passive cooling features, gardens, and analog displays. Thinking about how the site of the museum, once a steel plant, shows the role of sociotechnical ideologies on placemaking.
Okay, now we come to the contemplation section of the museum, displaying items that were once fetishized – cars, planes, mockups of infrastructural megaprojects, and airports – which had vast energy needs, leading to the extinction of millions of our earthlings. These items were heavily reliant on a life philosophy around Extractivism. Whether it was minerals, harnessing vital flows like the sun and the wind for reasons that had nothing to do with decent living, or serving the planetary conditions. Since we now organize our societies in ways that allow us to live our lives and attain what we need without mass logistics, and there is rarely a need for fast transportation, our cities are organized around pedestrians, but it was far from this in the vast megacities of days long gone. People lived and worked in circumstances that locked them into a car-dependent life. Because of the dominant discourses around growth and development, which were dictated by the North Atlantic countries, this model spread across the world like wildfire. And infrastructures are incredibly difficult and time-consuming to reverse because an entire chain of other elements in society then become dependent upon them. Questions?
Mehrdad, an exchange student from the bioregion of Harat raised their hand as they began to talk: In class, Arvin told us about an agenda called “green” growth or sustainable development, and many people including prominent researchers and institutes worked on bringing it about. How does that fit in these stories?
Good question. When the ecological and climate crisis was deteriorating, a watered-down version of the Limits debates made it to a document known as Our Common Futures. Sadly it became the defining document of what superseded it for decades to come, whether it was the Rio conference or Kyoto that solidified it into international conventions or many of the following UNFCCs. This warrants a long discussion, but even today eco-modernists argue if just given a little more time humans would have accomplished absolute decoupling. They are not shy about their efforts to revive industrialization. They blame degrowth and its spread for preventing a technological utopia that would have succeeded in decoupling growth from development. I would suggest going back to the exhibit on limits and scarcity, there you will find some rich materials for how the imperative of saving capitalism led to decades of discussion on ineffectual policies like carbon trading, negative emission technologies, and false energy transitions discourses. These false promises were based on reassuring citizenry that while the present and future might look dystopian, the political and economic elite can adjust policy to adequately respond to them without there being any need to alter neoliberal capitalism.
Okay, now I know you all have various projects of interest for your course essay. So, with this background, I will let you go explore the rest of the museum, but I will be around if you have any questions or comments. I would highly recommend visiting our most recent addition, the singularity exhibition. It explores how some humans were trying to make themselves immortal through biotechnoscience and visions of transhumanism.
Some of the works mentioned
Asafu-Adjaye, John, Linus Blomqvist, Stewart Brand, Barry Brook, Ruth DeFries, Erle Ellis, Christopher Foreman, et al. 2015. “An Ecomodernist Manifesto.” https://doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.1.1974.0646.
Illich, Ivan. 1997. “Development as Planned Poverty.” In The Post-Development Reader, edited by Majid Rahnema and Victoria Bawtree, 94–104. London: Zed Books.
Illich, Ivan. 2009 [1973]. Tools for Conviviality. London: Marion Boyars.
Kothari, Ashish, Ariel Salleh, Arturo Escobar, Federico Demaria, and Alberto Acosta, eds. 2019. Pluriverse: A Post-Development Dictionary. New Delhi: Tulika Books and Authorsupfront.
Meadows, Donella, Dannis Meadows, Jørgen Randers, and William Behrens. 1973. The Limits to Growth: A Report for the Club of Rome’s Project on the Predicament of Mankind. New York: Universe Books.
Naess, Arne. 1973. The Shallow and the Deep, Long-Range Ecology Movement. A Summary. Inquiry, no. 16: 95–100.
UN. 1987. “Our Common Future.” A/42/427. World Commission on Environment and Development. https://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/42/427&Lang=E.
Andrew Craig
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented?
Throughout metropolitan Atlanta. This area includes downtown Atlanta, as well as the surrounding counties of Clayton, Cobb, Coweta, Dekalb, Douglas, Gwinnett, Henry, Fayette, & Fulton. The initiative has expanded to include the partner cities of Avondale Estates, Brookhaven, Chamblee, Decatur, Doraville, Dunwoody, East Point, Hapeville, Lawrenceville, and Sandy Springs (Trees Atlanta, Annual Report, 2020).
Who are the promoters? Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
The grassroots initiative is called Trees Atlanta. It was founded in 1985 by a group of largely middle-class citizens who joined with other non-profit organizations, such as the Junior League of Atlanta, Central Atlanta Progress, as well as municipal agencies like the Commissioner of Parks to address growing concerns over urban deforestation (Trees Atlanta, Who We Are, 2022). Since its founding, Trees Atlanta has worked to improve Atlanta’s urban environment by planting and conserving trees along streets and in other public areas throughout the city.
In the years since it was founded, the organization has worked to build partnerships with local government officials and businesses. As the initiative has grown in recent years, it has been supported by large financial contributions from corporate sponsors such as Georgia Power, The Home Depot Foundation, UPS Foundation, Bank of America, AT&T, and Microsoft. It has also received financial support from national non-profit organizations like the Arbor Day Foundation, Southeastern Nurseryman’s Association, and the National Fish and Wildlife Foundation (Trees Atlanta, Sponsors 2022).
The organization hired its first executive director, Marcia Bansley, in 1985. Bansley served as executive director of the organization until 2011. Though Trees Atlanta started as a grassroots organization, it has grown significantly and now boasts a forty-six member staff (Trees Atlanta, Staff & Board, 2022).
How this initiative engages with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
Trees Atlanta engages with climate change by tackling mitigation. In 1986, Trees Atlanta planted 46 trees in the city (Trees Atlanta, History, 2022). The initiative has expanded and in 2020 reported that it planted 7,063 throughout metropolitan Atlanta. The initiative’s tree planting campaign helps mitigate rising urban heat factors with rising summer temperatures. The initiative also promotes its tree planting campaign as a way to mitigate air pollution.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
The initiative’s main objects are to promote and conserve Atlanta’s urban forest and to educate the public regarding the benefits of the urban forest. The initiative is primarily focused on promoting and protecting the reputation of Atlanta as the “city in the forest.”
Atlanta gained its reputation as the city in the forest in part because of its history of development. Before the land was ceded to the United States government by the indigenous Creek nation in 1821, the area that became Atlanta was virgin old-growth forest. Though much of the land was eventually clear cut by white settlers to build the city and plant cash crops like cotton, portions of the old-growth forest remained untouched by urban and agricultural development in the late twentieth century. Since its founding, Trees Atlanta, in partnership with other environmental organizations like EcoAddendum and the Old Growth Forest Network, have worked to preserve these pockets of old growth forest and promote the expansion of new urban forests (Seabrook, 2017).
It accomplishes its mission through a number of programs including youth and adult urban forestry education programs, tree planting throughout the city, and the facilitation of community tree care to help maintain the urban forest (Trees Atlanta, Our Programs, 2022). Trees Atlanta also works to clear the urban forest of invasive species like English ivy and kudzu that threaten the health of native trees (Atlanta Magazine, 2019).
Trees Atlanta coordinates a number of programs to accomplish its goals. It currently manages 85 acres of greenspace along the Atlanta Beltline corridor. This urban forested space is known as the Atlanta Beltline Arboretum. The site serves as an ecological corridor, providing habitat for wildlife and pollution reduction for areas adjacent to the highway. It also serves as a site for community science programs. Trees Atlanta frequently hosts educational urban forest protection and revitalization programs for youth and adults in the arboretum
(Trees Atlanta, Atlanta Beltline Arboretum, 2022).
The program also lobbies the municipal city government to make zoning laws that protect and encourage the development of urban forest (Nobles 2021).
Increasingly, Trees Atlanta has worked to highlight the lack of urban forest in communities of color and is working to build urban forest in communities of color. In particular, Trees Atlanta has used data from the Tree Equity Score to show that communities in Atlanta with fewer trees have more heat-related deaths, more air pollution, and property values are lower (Hutchins 2021).
Which limits does it encounter?
In the past, the Trees Atlanta has encounter problems with the city’s zoning laws protecting the city’s urban forest. Much of Atlanta’s tree canopy is unprotected because it is privately owned. (Saporta, 2020).
Trees Atlanta also frequently has to navigate the challenges of working with private property owners of single-family residential land. Seventy-seven percent of the city’s urban forest is located on private property, and the city’s zoning ordinances make it easy for property owners to take down trees. (Atlanta Magazine, 2019).
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
The initiative’s focus on beautification proves to be a shortcoming as it can potentially distract from the problems of climate change it seeks to address in communities of color. Because much of the initiative’s rhetoric centers around the issue of protecting the city’s reputation as the “city in the forest,” and educating citizens about the importance of urban forest, it potentially misses the opportunity to address other connected issues that contribute to climate change might affect the regions communities (Trees Atlanta, 2016).
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
Trees Atlanta’s urban forest conservation and protection agenda could be potentially replicated in other urban settings. The initiative could be replicated in other settings should citizens start to build a coalition with other local organizations and municipal governments to coordinate with citizen volunteers to plant trees through the city and maintain urban forests. Other initiatives can also follow Trees Atlanta’s example by working to educate private property owners on the importance of urban forest and working with them to preserve and care for urban forest in their possession.
In other cities, initiatives could work with urban planners, as Trees Atlanta did in 2020, to help develop city-wide urban planning initiatives like Atlanta City Design: Nature that are structured around protecting the city’s ecology by expanding tree canopies in publicly owned spaces. Future initiatives can help ensure trees are planted near waterways that run through the city to act as vegetative buffer zone, providing “greater flood protection, wildlife habitat, and pollution reduction.” (Saporta, 2020).
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements, long-term sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)? If yes, which?
This initiative is conducive to broader changes through the advocacy work it does to protect and create urban forest in the municipal government. Trees Atlanta has lobbied the City of Atlanta to protect the city’s tree canopy through zoning ordinances since its founding in the 1980s. These zoning ordinances have protected the city’s urban forest from being overdeveloped and have created strict ordinances ensuring that developers cannot remove too many trees throughout the city (Usdansky, 1988).
References
Atlanta Magazine. (2019, November). How Much longer can Atlanta be a City in the Forest? https://www.atlantamagazine.com/list/you-asked-we-answered-34-things-you-probably-dont-know-about-atlanta/how-much-longer-can-atlanta-be-a-city-in-the-forest/.
Hutchins, T. (2021, July 26). Tree equity points to disparity among Atlanta neighborhoods. CBS 46 News. https://www.cbs46.com/2022/02/16/tree-equity-points-disparity-among-atlanta-neighborhoods/.
Nobles III, W. P. (2021, June 7). Residents eagerly await progress in Atlanta’s tree ordiance overhaul. Atlanta Journal Constitution. https://www.ajc.com/news/atlanta-news/residents-eagerly-await-progress-in-atlantas-tree-ordinance-overhaul/KYNUHOHFKVCZJOA4VQNE6SRPVY/.
Saporta, M. (2020, November 2). City of Atlanta seeking to protect nature while the urban area grows. Saporta Report. https://saportareport.com/city-of-atlanta-seeking-to-protect-nature-while-the-urban-area-grows/columnists/maria_saporta/.
Seabrook, C. (2017, May 5). Atlanta’s Old-Growth Forests gain national recognition. Atlanta Journal Constitution. https://www.ajc.com/lifestyles/home–garden/atlanta-old-growth-forests-gain-national-recognition/6CdZwvHyEtEU21aPOARGtI/.
Trees Atlanta. (2020). Annual Report. https://www.treesatlanta.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Annual-Report-FY2020-FINAL-9.1.2020.pdf
Trees Atlanta. (2022, April 29). About. https://www.treesatlanta.org/who-we-are/.
Trees Atlanta. (2022, April 29). Sponsors. https://www.treesatlanta.org/who-we-are/sponsors/.
Trees Atlanta. (2022, April 29). Staff & Board. https://www.treesatlanta.org/who-we-are/staff-board/.
Trees Atlanta. (2022, April 29). History. https://www.treesatlanta.org/who-we-are/history/.
Trees Atlanta. (2022, April 29). Our Programs. https://www.treesatlanta.org/our-programs/.
Trees Atlanta. (2022, April 29). Atlanta Beltline Arboretum. https://www.treesatlanta.org/programs/atlanta-beltline-arboretum/.
Trees Atlanta. (2016, April 29). Trees Atlanta is Branching Out [Video]. Youtube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nn4vxBhvhJk&t=121s
Usdansky, M. J. (1988, September 1988). Tree Protection Is Taking Root In Metro Laws. Atlanta Journal Constitution.
By Andrew Craig
Where is this grassroot initiative implemented?
This initiative is headquartered in New Orleans, Louisiana, but operates throughout the Gulf Coast Region of the United States.
Who are the promoters? Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
The Deep South Center for Environmental Justice (DSCEJ) was founded in 1992 by Dr. Beverly Wright with support from other community organizations, like the United Church of Christ Environmental Ministries and regional universities like Texas Southern University. Dr. Wright won the 2008 EPA Environmental Justice Achievement Award in 2008 and was selected to serve on President Joe Biden’s White House Environmental Justice Advisory Council in 2021 (Parker, 2021).
The Center has partnered with New Orleans area community-based organizations to coordinate Climate Action Equity Project. The Climate Action Equity Project is a partnership with Partners for Places, the City of New Orleans and the Greater New Orleans Foundation (Deep South Center for Environmental Justice, Climate Action Equity Project, 2022).
Since 2011, the DSCEJ has partnered with Dr. Robert Bullard at Texas Southern University; the Center also organizes the annual HBCU-CBO Gulf Coast Equity Consortium Project which brings together Historically Black College and Universities (HBCUs) and community-based organizations from the Gulf Coast region to find solutions to climate justice. The community-based organizations include: Achieving Community Tasks Successfully (ACTS), Clean Health Educated Sage and Sustainable (CHESS), and the Lower Nine Ward Center for Sustainable Engagement and Development. The HBCU’s associated with the consortium include: Alabama A&M University, Dillard University, Florida A&M University, Jackson State University, Texas Southern University, and Tennessee State University (Deep South Center for Environmental Justice, HBCU-CBO Gulf Equity Consortium, 2022).
In 2021, the DSCEJ received a $4 million grant from the Bezos Earth Fund to support its Activating Justice 40 project (Deep South Center for Environmental Justice, 2021).
How this initiative engages with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
The initiative engages with climate by tackling both mitigation and adaptation. The Center works with communities of color that have been disproportionately affected by pollution and climate vulnerabilities to build the capacity of communities like those found throughout Louisiana to prepare and respond to environmental threats and hazards.
Partnering with academic institutions, the Center trains citizens to monitor hazards in their neighborhoods, understand the risk of toxic exposure, find environmental data online, and develop strategic advocacy for policies to remedy unsafe environmental conditions. The Center also provides technical assistance through its partnerships with universities to prepare environmental justice analyses and reports on proposed or existing urban and industrial development projects requiring environmental permits. In partnership with citizen-scientists, the DSCEJ collects toxicological and epidemiological data, advises communities on effective environmental remediation, assists in community relocation when necessary, provides expert testimony in legal cases, and conducts community health surveys, community mapping using Geographic Information Systems (GIS), and community environmental health profiles (Deep South Center for Environmental Justice, Community Engagement, 2021).
Since 1995, DSCEJ has run an Environmental Career Worker Training Program to identify, train, and mobilize citizens to facilitate the clean-up of hazardous materials and assist with disaster recovery both locally and nationally. The training program provides instruction in construction, weatherization, lead abatement, asbestos abatement, hazardous waste worker training, mold remediation, and OSHA certification (Deep South Center for Environmental Justice, Worker Health and Safety Training, 2022).
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
The DSCEJ’s main objective is to provide opportunities for citizens, scientific researchers, and decision makers to collaborate on projects that address the health, jobs, housing, education, and a general quality of life of communities of color that are disproportionately affected by climate change and environmental pollution. It works to develop leaders in communities of color throughout the Guld region that are disproportionately harmed by pollution and climate change: communities that are capable of promoting their right to be free from environmental hazards.
The Center applies the Communiversity Model in preparing residents of communities to have a voice on critical issues, which begins with listening to community concerns first and then providing research, education and training on identified issues. (Deep South Center for Environmental Justice, Worker Health and Safety Training, 2022).
The Center operates on a “communiversity” model developed by Dr. Wright that emphasizes a collaborative partnership between universities and community-based organizations. The Center’s communiversity” has been put into action through the formation of its Community Advisory Board which consists of grassroots community leaders, non-profit organizations, academics, and government officials from municipalities along Louisiana’s Mississippi River Chemical Corridor. (Wright, 2007).
Which limits does it encounter?
In the past, the DSCEJ was an affiliate program of Xavier University, and later Dillard University. In recent years, the center has become an independent non-profit and removed itself from the umbrella of university systems. According to their website, the DSCEJ saw its association with academic bureaucracies as a limiting factor in its activism. Recently, the DSCEJ became an independent nonprofit in order to better tackle the challenges of climate injustice in the American South. (Deep South Center for Environmental Justice, Our Story, 2022).
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
The DSCEJ’s worker training program can be seen as one of the problematic issues arising from its implementation. Instead of putting the responsibility of cleaning up hazardous waste and reducing pollution in communities of color in Louisiana on the corporations that produce these environmental injustices, the worker training program places the responsibility on the communities affected. While this provides economic opportunity for these marginalized communities, these jobs might further marginalize some of the population and does not address larger systemic issues associated with climate change. Through the worker training program, members of marginalized communities are still put directly in contact with the hazardous waste that has to the potential to harm their health.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
This initiative could be replicated in other settings by implementing the DSCEJ’s “communiversity” model. In urban settings across the globe, the opportunity exists for activists and community-based organizations to partner and collaborate with local or regional universities to train citizens to monitor their local environments and other citizen science projects as well as strategically plan and respond to the climate change.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements, long-term sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)? If yes, which?
This initiative is conducive to broader institutional changes. Not only does this initiative specifically work to foster collaboration with HBCUs and community-based organizations to develop a new institutional arrangement to address climate justice in the Mississippi River Chemical Corridor, the DSCEJ also helps the communities of color in this region prepare to deal with effects of climate change and trains them to mitigate the effects of hazardous pollution in their communities.
References
Parker, H. (2021, March 31). This New Orleans-based activist is now a White House environmental justice adviser. The New Orleans Advocate. https://www.nola.com/news/environment/article_39895a52-919e-11eb-8d5e-5bc9f4af414c.html.
Deep South Center for Environmental Justice. (2021, September 8). Deep South Center for Environmental Justice Receives $4 Million From Bezos Earth Fund to Support Justice40 Initiative. https://www.dscej.org/the-latest/deep-south-center-for-environmental-justice-receives-4-million-from-bezos-earth-fund-to-support-justice40-initiative
Deep South Center for Environmental Justice. (2022, April 29). Community Engagement. https://www.dscej.org/our-work/community-engagement
Deep South Center for Environmental Justice. (2022, April 29). Climate Action Equity Project. https://www.dscej.org/our-work/community-engagement
Deep South Center for Environmental Justice. (2022, April 29). HBCU-CBO Gulf Equity Consortium. https://www.dscej.org/our-work/hbcu-cbo-gulf-equity-consortium.
Deep South Center for Environmental Justice. (2022, April 29). Worker Health and Safety Training. https://www.dscej.org/our-work/worker-health-and-safety-training.
Deep South Center for Environmental Justice. (2022, April 29). Our Story. (https://www.dscej.org/our-story)
Wright, B. (2007, July 25). Testimony of Beverly Wright, Ph.D. Director of the Deep South Center for Environmental Justice at Dillard University before the Subcommittee on Superfund and Environmental Health of the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee regarding Environmental Justice. https://www.epw.senate.gov/public/_cache/files/9/2/92ff035f-3a58-4baa-a5f8-4923f2597176/01AFD79733D77F24A71FEF9DAFCCB056.drbeverlywrighttestimony.pdf
Franz Rothschild.
The Lima hills (Lomas de Lima), in the Peruvian capital, is one of the most extended ecosystems of the city. It consists of 19 hill sites in 19 of the 52 districts of the city, occupying between 7% and up to 24% of the territory every winter, when El Niño event occurs (MLM, 2014). When that happens, all sites are connected by wide stripes of vegetation that turn a grey and brown city into a green space that contain a vast natural and cultural heritage: This ecosystem shelters a rich biodiversity of plants and animals, supplies the city with several ecosystem services such as soil retention that stops it from land sliding on the sides that is so risky for the closest inhabitants, tourism supports the local economic development, and strengths the weak limeñan identity linked to the appearance of the Amancaes flower greatly mentioned in several cultural traditions. Other services provided are related to pollination, supply of atmospheric water, air cleaning food supply (LEL, 2014; MLM, 2014; PNUD, 2018). The geographical distribution of the hills can be seen on Figure 1 below.
Fig. 1. Lima hills. At the bottom, Cicazos hills in San Bartolo (source: periferia.pe).
The hills are open spaces and represent an opportunity to rethink their relationships with a desertic city that has a differentiated district access to green areas based on economic aspects (Mamani & Nieuwland, 2017; MLM, 2014), and with the potential to overcome some environmental challenges related to biodiversity, water access, and climate change. Despite their importance, the informal urban growth, that can go up even to a 90% as consequence for the lack of public policy in urban development and of efficient programs for social housing, has already degraded the soil and affected the ecosystems services. This lack for proper urban planning has increased the vulnerability for many people that cannot access to own a property, providing an opportunity to illegal land Traficant that have links to public authorities. The hills have been systematically decreasing in a context in which urban pressures on them are growing, not only because of urban occupation, but also for their use as landfill and for exploitation through construction aggregates mining (Mamani & Nieuwland, 2017).
Since 2011, after pressure exercised by local communities surrounding the hills usually led by environmentalists (Venegoni, n.d.), Public sector has initiated an action plan to face the different challenges on the hills through the Lima Hills program (Programa Lomas de Lima) with 4 action lines: The first one was the creation of the Área de Conservación Regional Sistema de Lomas de Lima (Lima Hills System Regional Conservation Area) that gave official recognition to the most of the sites as fragile ecosystems supported by the legal frame of two municipal ordinances (environmental policy N°1628-2012-MML and environmental agenda N° 1640-2012-MML) boosting different municipal policy in conservation issues to protect and preserve vulnerable ecological units through their controlled access and maintenance, characterization/ profile studies for further territorial organization. The other three actions lines are the development of eco-touristic circuits for sustainable economic growth of local inhabitants, ecosystem restauration with native species, and the construction of hill-parcs as open spaces for integrating the human activities within the natural environment (MLM, 2014; LEL, 2014).
As mentioned, several local organizations and enterprises have risen up to protect them all. By instance, the “Frente de Defensa Ecológica del Valle de Lurín – Fredecol” (Lurín Valley Ecological Defense Front) has included the Cicasos Hills as part of the group of vulnerable ecosystems they try to protect. The Cicasos hills are located in the southern district of San Bartolo, about forty-five minutes outside the metropolitan area of Lima. I interviewed Fredecol´s current president Jaime Chipana, an all-time environmentalist neighbor of the Lurin district, who gave us an overall view on the association´s organization, objectives, successes and challenges
Fredecol was formed towards the end of 2008 to fight against the pollution of the Lurin river by Lima’s drinking water and sewerage service (Sedapal) and several production plants located along the river, affecting the water table of the locality. It started with only 6 neighbors who invited Jaime to support them with his experience, and now it assembles around 300 people working on it ah-honorem and as required depending on the urgency of the several project they are involved in. Many specialists, including several renowned professionals in biology, environmental sciences, geography, history and law have made themselves available to cooperate when needed with the locals in order to protect the “small-south” (sur chico) of Lima. Some politicians are also included, required to be able to connect the organization with the political power and have higher chances to promote their cause and obtain results.
In the beginning, Jaime was invited due to its participation as civil representative in the Lurín district municipality for the local projects participative budget control, in charge of the project’s inspection and communication to the local inhabitants. As a result of their first actions, Fredecol obtained a municipal ordinance forbidding industrial activity in the “trapecio de Lurín” area, with the intention to benefit the protection of vulnerable areas in the vicinity. Protection was directed to the ecosystems and the living conditions of the inhabitants affected by the production plants established there. A few years after the first meetings and the convoking neighbors, Jaime became the participative budget representative at the wider “departamento” level, including all the Lima “distritos”.
In 2014, the Lima Cement Company presented a project to expand its operation to the El Manzano hills. Cementos Lima was already operating in Pachacamac, another district that shared boundaries with the northern part of Lurin, where they completely degraded the soil of the Pucará hills after non-metalurgic mining activities to exploit a high-quality clay. Their next objective was El Manzano. In 2015, and due to Fredecol´s small size and weight when facing the interest of one of the biggest clay companies in Southamerica, many other local organizations defending hills are convoked to form the Red de Lomas de Lima (Lima hills network), and later on the Red de Lomas del Perú (Peru hills network) formed in 2018. The Lima hills network presented a file proving that the technical solutions proposed by Cementos Lima were not viable. Finally, in 2020, the authorities denied the opening of the “Cristina” quarry in El Manzano hills. This was settling a precedent on grootgrass initiatives facing a company with great power and political reach.
In 2018, Jaime met the San Bartolo major, with the idea of recognizing the Cicasos hills as part of the network of vulnerable ecosystems of Lima. As explained before, the hills permit the current conditions of the water cycle in a desertic city. They provide remedy to short term issues derived from climate change, as a form of adaptation through the water cycle regulation, the presence of vegetation coping with carbon dioxide emissions, and the transfer of water to wetlands located close to them. That year, the hills were officially recognized as a vulnerable ecosystem by legal norm RDE 153-2018-MINAGRI-SERFOR-DE. Moreover, their soil allow the percolation of humidity into the water table, avoiding the disappearance of wells required for human consumption. The hills also shelter several insects required for pollination. More information can be found on the Storymap presented at the end of this document.
According to Jaime, the objectives of the recognition of the Lima hills as a vulnerable ecosystem are two. Firstly, to create a municipality-citizen element to protect vulnerable ecosystems. Secondly, to include the hills on the Lima Hills System Regional Conservation Area. The replicability of the model followed by other hills conservation organization would provide stronger background and probably more resources to protect Cicasos from its main dangers: Cementos Lima on their quest for more high-quality clay present in the hills soil, and real state companies interested in developing projects in a growing city. However, the development of a strategic plan presents several complications, including that there are several views on what this plan should look like with different views that could even be opposite one to another.
Many limitations of the protection of Cicasos hills, as for most of these projects, are related to the established corruption on private and public sectors, confirming the thesis that the State is the main booster of informality and loss of biodiversity (Venegoni, n.d.). Many economic interests besides the protection of ecosystems play different roles and exercise different levels of stress, most of them benefiting from the ignorance and disinterest of big part of local population in regards of ecological preservation and ecological services. This reflects on several municipal ordinances not being followed by citizens and companies, legal protections supporting polluting industrial activities, a police force not acting according to existing protocols for land enclosure, for example. The lack of resources also plays a big role on the lack of action to achieve the goals. There is no budget item at San Bartolo municipality to create the file for Cicasos and enter the formal hills protection system, reason why the municipality has started to plan eco-tourism activities to raise necessary funds.
| Preliminary research |
| 1) City: Lima |
| 2) Initiative: Ecosystem protection |
| Selection case |
| 3) Case: Cicasos hills (San Bartolo) |
| 5) Organization: Fredecol |
| Collection of information |
| 6) Internet: Scientific literature |
| 7) Projects reports |
| 8) Facebook |
| 9) E-mail contact |
| 10) Phone pre-interview |
| 11) Zoom interview with Fredecol President |
| Production of the entry |
| Submission of the entry |
1. Invitation to Cicasos eco-trekking.
2. A group of people standing on the dirt.
3. Fredecol team leading the eko-trekking at Cicasos hill.
Bibliography
Lomeros en Lima (LEL). 2014. Proyecto Lomas: Pacto politico Lomas de Lima. [Online]. Available at: http://proyectolomas.weebly.com/uploads/1/0/6/3/10637077/pacto_poltico_por_las_lomas_de_lima_i.pdf
Mamani, J.M., Nieuwland, B. 2017. Las lomas de Lima: Enfocando ecosistemas desérticos como espacios abiertos en Lima metropolitana. Espacio y Desarrollo, [Online], 29, pp. 109-133. Available at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/317143928
Municipalidad de Lima Metropolitana (MLM). 2014. Lomas de lima: Futuros parques de la ciudad. Servicio de parques de Lima, [Online]. Available at: https://periferia.pe/assets/uploads/2020/06/Lomas-de-Lima_compressed.pdf
Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo (PNUD). 2018. Proyecto EbA Lomas: Retos y oportunidades en la conservación de las lomas de Lima Metropolitana. PNUD, [Online]. Available at: https://www.undp.org/content/dam/peru/docs/Publicaciones%20medio%20ambiente/Brochure_24PP_FINAL.pdf
Venegoni, Luisa. N.d. Justice for invaders? Urbanization-Conservation Conflict in Lima, Peru´s Lomas Ecosystems, [Online]. Available at: http://stonecenter.tulane.edu/uploads/Venegoni_Upload-1498770155.pdf
Storymap
Contact
Tova Billstein
- Where this grassroots initiative is implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
The grassroots initiative is implemented in the city of Lysekil, Sweden. It was initiated by the network Stoppa Preemraff (“Stop Preemraff”), which is a politically independent network that was created in 2018 by a small group of citizens with the purpose of stopping the expansion of Preemraff. It has since then grown to a huge movement with many involved actors different from environmental organizations, youth parties and private individuals from different origins such as Fridays for Future, Extinction Rebellion, Fältbiologerna and Jordens Vänner. The promoters of the initiative all live in or nearby Lysekil, Mölndal or Gothenburg. They state that the beneficiaries of the initiative are Earth itself, their children and grandchildren, as well as the countries who will be the most affected by future climate change (Boman and Maloney, 2020).
Other NGOs, such as the local Naturskyddsföreningen of Lysekil-Munkedal, have also joined the cause later on (Boman and Maloney, 2020). Both Stoppa Preemraff and Naturskyddsföreningen Lysekil-Munkedal are politically independent (Stoppa Preemraff, 2020b; Hagström, 2020), and one could therefore argue that they have nothing to gain on the cancellation of the Preemraff other than to help above mentioned beneficiaries, while helping Sweden fulfill its environmental goals.
- How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
The grassroots initiative sought to stop the expansion of the refinery Preemraff, built 1975 by Preem, which is currently the biggest oil refinery in the Nordic region. In 2019, Preem decided to implement a project named “ROCC”, in an attempt to shorten the residue of oil conversion complex by converting heavy oil residues to diesel and petrol by processing them with hydrogen gas. To succeed, Preem needed to expand their operation base and therefore applied for a permit for both existing and additional operations. If Preemraff expanded, the facility would have an annual throughput of 13 million tonnes of oil raw materials with 11.4 million tonnes of fossil oil. It would also have increased its yearly carbon emissions by 1 million tonnes, making it the single biggest carbon emitter in Sweden. The grassroots initiative therefore tried to hinder global warming, by lessening the impact on the environment by hindering more emissions from being released (Naturskyddsföreningen, n.d.).
- What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
Stoppa Preemraff has stated that they value the transition to a fossil free society and therefore cannot allow expansions of infrastructure which will allow more fossil fuels. They have three main objectives which are published on their website: stop the expansion of Preemraff, start the decommissioning of the fossil fuel industry and to support the development of sustainable work. The organization has also stated that they want Sweden to fulfill the agreement made in Paris and therefore seek to help in enabling a fair transition to a sustainable society (Stoppa Preemraff, 2020c).
- What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
The expansion of Preemraff was publicly announced in 2018 and was later approved by the Swedish Land and Environment Court that same year. After this occurrence, in December 2018, a citizen living in Lysekil contacted the NGO Jordens Vänner and asked for help to demonstrate against the decision. This was the starting point of the group Stoppa Preemraff, as the citizens shortly after started the local group. The approval by the Swedish Land and Environment Court was appealed by over a hundred private actors as well as organisations. In March 2019, Stoppa Preemraff had grown in size quite a bit and held a large gathering where they planned actions such as demonstrations, debates etc. In June 2019, the appeal finally had an effect and the Swedish Supreme Land and Environment Supreme Court decided to retry the decision of allowing Preem to expand the refinery in Lysekil. Shortly afterwards, in September 2019, the Swedish government got involved and stated that they would have the final say (Boman and Maloney, 2020).
In January 2020, Stoppa Preemraff started planning a huge manifestation which was to be held at the same time as the public court proceedings in Lysekil in March 2020. Organisations such as Grön Ungdom, Fältbiologerna, the local Naturskyddsföreningen Lysekil-Munkedal, Jordens Vänner, Protect our Winters etc. were contacted beforehand and encouraged to join the protest, and a contact network including over 100 persons from different geographical origins with diverse backgrounds was created with representants from the different groups. Greenpeace was also contacted and their Swedish leader Isadora Rolski joined one of Stoppa Preemraff’s bigger meetings, where she decided that hindering the expansion of Preemraff would be their highest priority for a short period of time within the near future. The court proceedings in Lysekil in March 2020 lasted for three days, and Naturskyddsföreningen Lysekil-Munkedal also attended court with several lawyers and experts who testified. After the court proceedings, Stoppa Preemraff continued to hold smaller actions continuously but the demonstrations became noticeably harder to plan and carry out due to Covid-19 (Boman and Maloney, 2020).
In June 2020, the Swedish Supreme Land and Environment Court published a statement declaring that the expansion of Lysekil did not break any laws and that the company was legally allowed to proceed, but that the final decision would be up to the government. Stoppa Preemraff then planned and held a two-week protest week in August, where they e.g. organized and sent over 2000 postcards to the government (Boman and Maloney, 2020). At the same time, in August 2020, activists from Greenpeace swam to the refinery by sea as a way of protesting against the expansion (Greenpeace Sverige, 2020a). On the 10th of September 2020, their ship Rainbow Warrior and 40 other sailboats also arrived at the port located at Lysekil in an attempt to block the passing-by sea traffic. The Swedish Maritime Administration closed all sea traffic due to the blockade, which lasted 62 hours before Rainbow Warrior and the other boats decided to leave (Greenpeace Sverige, 2020b). On the 13th of August, activists broke inside the refinery and chained themselves to the cranes to stop the workers from pursuing their day-to-day work at Preemraff (Tillman, 2020).
On the 28th of August 2020, Preem themselves decided to withdraw their application and no longer sought to expand their refinery at Lysekil (Naturskyddsföreningen, n.d.). The company itself stated that it was due to economic reasons (Stoppa Preemraff, 2020d).
- Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
The actors involved in the initiative created by Stoppa Preemraff are all citizens from different backgrounds. The founder lives in Lysekil, while others involved live nearby in Mölndal or Gothenburg. One of the actors involved since the beginning has worked as a librarian her whole life. Other actors, who became involved later on as a result of Stoppa Preemraff’s encouragement, include people with different ages and backgrounds, some who are also engaged in other NGOs such as Fältbiologerna, the local Naturskyddsföreningen Lysekil-Munkedal, Jordens Vänner, Protect our Winters, Greenpeace etc. (Boman and Maloney, 2020).
- Which limits does it encounter?
The biggest setback to the initiative was caused by Covid-19. The restrictions made it hard to meet in real life and plan actions together. The actors behind the initiative could not meet in person and build strong bonds, neither could they attract as many new people to their cause as many were uncomfortable with online platforms. Another limitation that the promoters of Stoppa Preemraff also experienced was that newspapers were reluctant to publish their articles, which they felt was a result of their agenda not matching that of the newspapers’. A counter-protest was also organized by Preem’s followers, and the company published advertisements with designs that were similar to regular articles. This was deemed a limit by the actors behind Stoppa Preemraff, as it confused the readers (Boman and Maloney, 2020).
- Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
The expansion of the oil refinery in Lysekil would have created 250 new jobs, increasing the local workforce in the city which Lysekil really needed. Without the expansion, these job opportunities would be lost (Stoppa Preemraff, 2020c). Stoppa Preemraff replied by questioning how one could lose job opportunities that never have existed (Boman and Maloney, 2020). There is also a risk that the refinery will be closed down permanently with the loss of its expansion, resulting in even fewer job opportunities in Lysekil, making it a more unattractive place to live. Whether it will close down is not decided as of yet, and will not happen any time soon (Stoppa Preemraff, 2020c). Another relevant observation in hindsight was that it was difficult for the initiative to grow so fast in size in the beginning. To go from zero to a hundred under a short period of time is bound to bring administrative consequences and it was hard to keep up (Boman and Maloney, 2020).
- How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
The initiative could potentially be replicable anywhere in the world where people feel the need to protest against corporate decisions which might have a negative impact on the environment. For example,if a new oil refinery were to be built, people could take inspiration from Stoppa Preemraff’s measures and replicate their actions to better demonstrate their position.
- Is this initiative conducive to broader changes? If yes, which?
Stoppa Preemraff have three main objectives: stop the expansion of Preemraff, start the decommissioning of the fossil fuel industry and to support the development of sustainable work (Stoppa Preemraff, 2020c). The organisation has had continuous meetings during the autumn of 2020 where the objectives have been discussed. The actors also mention that they in the future would like to help develop the legislation in the Environmental Code, as they argue that it is obsolete and not adapted for the current situation in society today (Boman and Maloney, 2020).
- Explain which materials you have used for your entry and eventually add links
Boman, M., and Maloney, L., (2020). Stoppa Preemraff – An Interview. Interviewed by Tova Billstein for the KTH course “AK2210 Political Ecology”, 14 October.
Greenpeace Sverige, 2020.
a Efter 62 timmars blockad av Preemraff – nu är det Stefan Löfvens tur. [online] Available at: https://www.greenpeace.org/sweden/pressmeddelanden/12501/efter-62-timmars-blockad-av-preemraff-nu-ar-det-stefan-lofvens-tur/ [Accessed 2020-10-15]
b Greenpeace-aktivister simmar till oljerigg för att protestera mot ny olja i Nordsjön. [online] Available at: https://www.greenpeace.org/sweden/pressmeddelanden/12274/greenpeace-aktivister-simmar-till-oljerigg-for-att-protestera-mot-ny-olja-i-nordsjon/ [Accessed 2020-10-15]
Hagström, T. (2020). Om kretsen uppdaterad 2020-09-24 – Lysekil-Munkedals Naturskyddsförening: från kust till skog. [online] Available at: https://lysekil-munkedal.naturskyddsforeningen.se/om-kretsen-2/ [Accessed 2020-10-15]
Naturskyddsföreningen. (2020). Striden om Preemraff – det här har hänt. [online] Available at: https://www.naturskyddsforeningen.se/klimat/preemraff-overklagan [Accessed 2020-10-08]
Stoppa Preemraff. (2020).
a Presskit. [online] Available at: https://stoppapreemraff.org/press-kit [Accessed 2020-10-15]
b Om oss. [online] Available at: https://stoppapreemraff.org/om-oss [Accessed 2020-10-15]
c Faktabank. [online] Available at: https://stoppapreemraff.org/faktabank [Accessed 2020-10-15]
d Preem drar tillbaka sin ansökan! [online] Available at: https://stoppapreemraff.org/ [Accessed 2020-10-15]
Jorinde Bosma
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented?
Approximately seven percent of all Dutch households live in so-called energy poverty (TNO, 2021), meaning that they spend ten percent or more of their disposable income on energy costs each month and have trouble affording their energy bills. In the city of Leiden this problem is biggest in the district Noord (North). In the past years, Leiden-Noord has become an area with multiple faces. On the west side, one can find affluent new neighborhoods, while in the northern neighborhoods there is less prosperity. As a result, the threat of a dichotomized neighborhood with increasingly more energy poverty is looming.
The grassroots project “Energie voor Energie” (energy for energy) aims to combat this dichotomy through a small-scale, neighborhood-oriented approach, by creating possibilities for residents in “De Prinsessenbuurt” and “De Hoven” – two small neighborhoods in Leiden-Noord – to join the energy transition (the transition to a new system where sustainable energy replaces fossil fuels and much attention is paid to energy conservation and storage).
“Energie voor Energie” is a collaboration between inhabitants of various neighborhoods in the district, different neighborhood organizations and energy ambassadors from the municipality of Leiden. The project’s ultimate goal is to collectively generate solar energy on suitable roofs in Leiden Noord and give people who live in affordable rental homes and have little money to spare the opportunity to participate. By volunteering with a local public organization of their own choice, participants are able to “save up” for certificates in the collective solar park, or for other sustainable measures such as LED-lighting and insulation. In the Netherlands, volunteers can receive a compensation of up to €5,- per hour. De Leidse Uitdaging, a local independently operating residents’ company by and for resident of Leiden-Noord, would save up this compensation until participants would have earned enough money for a certificate to partake in the solar panel roof. A certificate for a solar panel is expected to cost around €300,-, equal to 60 hours of volunteering (although this amount is not yet final). This way, the project aims to empower active residents to participate in the energy transition by volunteering for an organization of their own choice, to reduce their cost of living and contribute to the quality of life and social cohesion in the neighborhood.
Who are the promoters?
Energie voor Energie was initiated by “De Leidse Uitdaging”, a local residents’ organization whose goal it is to make the neighborhood a pleasant, safe, accessible and attractive space for everyone who lives there. De Leidse Uitdaging promotes and organizes activities that contribute to social cohesion in Leiden-Noord, by involving (vulnerable) groups and volunteers from the neighborhood. In this project, De Leidse Uitdaging works together with residents from the neighborhoods De Hoven and De Prinsessenbuurt, residents’ association “Zwijgers van Noord”, citizens’ initiative “Zon op Leiden” (sun on Leiden) and the energy coaches and neighborhood ambassadors of the municipality of Leiden.
Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
As a residents’ association, Zwijgers van Noord coordinates a meeting center in the Leiden-Noord district, intended for local residents. Here, they give courses and provide a meeting place for people from the neighborhood.
Zon op Leiden is a local residents’ cooperative whose aim it is to offer inhabitants of Leiden the opportunity to generate their own solar power on large roofs in the city. Members of the cooperative can buy certificates for solar energy generated from nearby rooftops.
The energy coaches are volunteers working with the municipality of Leiden. These are local residents who have themselves made their houses more sustainable, and now help others in their neighborhood to do this too. After receiving training on saving energy, they visit their neighbors to not only give tips and advice on how to live more sustainably, but also to immediately introduce small measures such as radiator foil or LED-lights.
Neighborhood ambassadors are paid by the Leiden municipality out of a budget for energy initiatives, and give advice on sustainability too. In addition, they organize information meetings, set up campaigns, maintain a newsletter, and are more in involved with the municipal government. Some neighborhood ambassadors are energy coaches as well.
Who are the beneficiaries?
Energie voor Energie focuses on the neighborhoods of De Hoven and De Prinsessenbuurt. In these neighborhoods, 70 percent of the homes are rentals, of which more than three quarters are social housing. (Gemeente Leiden, n.d.) More than 20 percent of people living in De Hoven and De Prinsessenbuurt have trouble making ends meet. A relatively large percentage of the residents here are non-western immigrants and many locals are dependent on social benefits. (Gemeente Leiden, n.d.)
Although there have been various initiatives in Leiden aimed at increasing the sustainability of owner-occupied houses, there has been less attention for rental homes. Not all social housing associations try to improve their homes in a similar fashion (and with similar speed). With gas prices on the rise, the people living in De Hoven and Prinsessenbuurt are especially vulnerable to energy poverty. Energie voor Energie aims to help this group specifically.
How does this initiative engage with climate?
One of the main aims of Energie voor Energie is to limit global warming and its related effects, by helping citizens increase the sustainability of their rental homes – a type of housing that as of now is still lagging behind in the sustainability transition.
However, Energie voor Energie does not just focus on the energy transition. Initiator De Leidse Uitdaging is a residents’ company, which focuses on economic activity in the neighborhood, by the neighborhood and for the neighborhood. For example, the organization has set up a local tearoom, of which all generated income is distributed and invested locally to increase the livability of the neighborhood.
This ambition is key to Energie voor Energie too: besides aiding people in living more sustainably and through that, limiting the emission of CO2, the project also aims to create value for the neighborhood by motivating people to volunteer for public organizations, and tries to help tackle issues of energy poverty. By considering what the specific group of inhabitants of De Hoven and De Prinsessenbuurt needs and is capable of contributing, and by providing people with the chance to volunteer in return for shares in a communal solar roof, Energie voor Energie tries to make sustainability attainable for all inhabitants of the neighborhood. In addition, through volunteering for local organizations and projects, the project tries to increase social cohesion and contribute to the livability of the neighborhood – not just for those participating in Energie voor Energie, but also for other citizens living there.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
“The energy transition isn’t just a technical issue. It’s also a social issue. You want people to be able to participate. That means you also have to work on completely different things than just making everything possible technically. For this group, it’s difficult to participate in the energy transition because they don’t have money to invest. They don’t own their homes and can’t install solar panels.” (M. de Loos, project leader of Energie voor Energie, interview, February 18, 2022.)
For Energie voor Energie, the energy transition is not just about technology – it is about people. The project’s focus, then, is mainly on the social dimensions of sustainability, such as every day behavior and choices in food, mobility and living. Energie voor Energie believes that small-scale, neighborhood-oriented approaches where local parties collaborate are vital for a successful energy transition.
By aiming to help people who are at risk of suffering from energy poverty transition to a more sustainable way of living, not just through access to solar energy, but also through providing them with small, practical solutions for their homes, Energie voor Energie aims to create an inclusive and socially just energy transition. In doing so, Energie voor Energie takes an intersectional approach, paying attention to how the obstacles to participate in the energy transition differ between social groups. For example, where for native Dutch people who rely on social welfare, financial issues could be the biggest obstacle to overcome, for elderly Moroccan-Dutch people there may be issues with language barriers or accessibility of information.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
“We have the impression that people are very hesitant. There is real energy poverty – and poverty in general – in this neighborhood, more than in the rest of Leiden. These are people who have little confidence in the government and institutions. So if you want to get people on board, they have to trust you. That’s why we’re having these conversations now.” (M. de Loos, project leader of Energie voor Energie, interview, February 18, 2022.)
Energie voor Energie was conceived of in 2019, and the plan was put into action in July 2021. Although the end goal of the project is to connect as many people in the neighborhood as possible to the communal solar roof, it soon became clear that the creation of the solar roof should not be the first step. First, it was important to help people understand the relevance of this solar roof and get them excited to participate. In the first stages of the project, the focus is on starting to help people save energy, giving advice, getting to know them and making sure that the inhabitants of the neighborhood became familiar with the project.
Starting in October 2021, representatives of the project reached out to people through a local soup kitchen, putting up flyers (see image 1) and posters and an exhibition about sustainability measures in the local tearoom. Representatives also went door to door in the neighborhood to invite inhabitants to so-called “energy conversations”, the concept for which was developed together with the GOED-neighborhood ambassador in Leiden-North. In these conversations, a small group of inhabitants and energy coaches will get together to discuss ways to save energy when renting a home. Afterwards, participants receive a package with products that can help increase the sustainability of their homes (e.g. radiator foil, water-saving showerhead, LED-lights). Participants can choose for themselves which products they want to take with them, as to make sure that everyone receives the help that is most useful to them.
The method for the energy conversations is specifically aimed at keeping the conversations accessible for people with low literacy or who aren’t fluent in Dutch. For example, it incorporates cards written in various languages and visual aids to explain energy usage (see image 2). The method is designed so that it can be used in different ways, depending on what works best with a specific group, and the municipality of Leiden has shown interest in working with it on a larger scale.
Which limits (institutional, physical, social, etc.) does it encounter?
“These people living at the subsistence minimum are very difficult to reach. Partly, that’s an issue of trust. When you spend more time in the neighborhood and are more active, people will sooner join, because they know you. Another reason is that people have financial and other problems. That limits their mental space to think about saving energy – even if it would benefit them.” (M. de Loos, project leader of Energie voor Energie, interview, February 18, 2022.)
There is little use in installing a solar panel roof, when no one is interested in participating. For neighborhoods such as De Hoven and De Prinsessenbuurt, increasing the sustainability of their homes is often not top of mind for the people living there, who might be more concerned with making ends meet.
The energy conversations are intended as a means to start to help people think about sustainability and to create awareness of the added value of making homes more sustainable. However, convincing people to join these conversations proved to be easier said than done. The organizers of Energie voor Energie put up posters and went door to door to explain the project and invite people to join their conversations. Of the circa 200 homes visited, around half of the residents showed interest in participating. However, few would sign up for the energy conversations, and in the end, only 13 people actually showed up to them. This is congruent with the experience of neighborhood ambassadors in these areas: it is notoriously difficult to convince people to get involved.
Another reason the inhabitants of De Hoven and De Prinsessenbuurt are hard to reach, has got to do with cultural and ethnic differences. For example, several inhabitants are elderly people of Moroccan descent, and speak little to no Dutch. Although De Leidse Uitdaging has provided posters and flyers in multiple languages and has tried to reach specific ethnic and religious groups through the Islamic center in the neighborhood, this has not been successful yet. Clearly, more time is needed to make contact with all groups in the neighborhood.
Other issues concern the effect of the solar panel certificate on social benefits and taxes, and practical concerns regarding the saving system for volunteers and the coupling between the solar panel roof and the individual participant’s energy bills. Currently, it is anticipated that participants who will have a certificate for one solar panel would pay their regular monthly energy bills, and for a period of 15 years would receive €40,- at the end of every year. This way, participants would invest the equivalent of €300,- in time volunteered, and receive €600,- in return in total. However, a monthly discount on the energy bill would be preferred, as this would limit the chance that the €40,- is taxed as extra income.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
Energie voor Energie aims to help people save money on their energy bills in two ways: by using less energy through adapting more sustainable behavior, and through earning certificates in a communal solar roof. However, there is only so much that inhabitants in De Hoven and De Prinsessenbuurt can do to save on energy. Of course, small adjustments such as using radiator foil or LED-lights can definitely decrease energy bills. However, many of the residents in these neighborhoods have extremely low incomes and will already be living fairly frugally and – in that sense – sustainably. The largest energy sink, then, is not the behavior of inhabitants, but the buildings they live in.
Most buildings in De Hoven and De Prinsessenbuurt were built in the 1950s and have thin facades, poorly insulating windows and uninsulated attics, which means that more energy is needed to heat them. To really help people save money on their energy spendings, energy conversations, solar energy certificates and small adjustments will not be enough. Structural improvements to these homes are necessary, which is the responsibility of the housing association. In De Prinsessenbuurt, for example, some of the homes have recently been made more sustainable by the housing association. However, as of now, the housing associations in De Hoven and De Prinsessenbuurt have not been involved in Energie voor Energie, although the organization has tried to get into contact with them.
In general, the amount of money that people will be able to save through participating in Energie voor Energie, is relatively small. Even for people living on the subsistence minimum, €40,- per year will not make a great difference. On top of that, a commitment of 15 years might be difficult to oversee for people who have more pressing financial matters on their minds. Possibly, monthly returns or discounts on energy bills, instead of end-of-year payments, could give people more incentive to join, as the result would be more immediate.
Another question to consider for Energie voor Energie, is the location of the solar roof. Although solar panels are not as invasive as some other types of energy generation, they do reflect the sun and might cause a nuisance for people living in buildings looking out over the roof. This is something Energie voor Energie keeps into account as well. Although the location for the solar roof is not yet definitive, the organization considers placing them on the roof of a nearby cultural workshop just outside of De Hoven. Whereas the people living on this street would not immediately benefit from the solar roof being placed here, it is Energie voor Energie’s ambition to extend the project to these areas eventually.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
Energie voor Energie is fairly easily replicable in different settings. In Leiden alone, there are several communal solar roofs already. However, the focus on low-income renters is uncommon and, as has become clear from the current project, does pose specific challenges, which ask for a large time investment and deep involvement from people working within this project.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes?
Although Energie voor Energie is a sustainability project aimed at helping people save energy, its focus is mainly on community awareness and community involvement. By letting people pay for their share in the solar roof through volunteer work for local, public organizations, and getting a group of people who are notoriously difficult to reach more involved in their own neighborhoods, Energie voor Energie tries to contribute to social cohesion in Leiden-Noord. On top of that, the fact that people are free to choose where they want to volunteer (as long as it is with a local, public organization) could contribute to a feeling of empowerment for a disadvantaged group of people.
References
De Leidse Uitdaging. (n.d.). Project Energie voor Energie. Theehuis Noord. Retrieved February 15, 2022, from https://www.theehuisnoord.nl/energie-voor-energie.
Gemeente Leiden. (n.d.). WoonZorgwijzer Sterke Sociale Basis Leiden. WoonZorgwijzer Leiden. Retrieved February 10, 2022, from https://leiden.wzwkaart.nl/.
TNO. (2021, September). Hoe voorkomen we energiearmoede? Retrieved November 15, 2021, from https://www.tno.nl/nl/aandachtsgebieden/energietransitie/roadmaps/systeemtransitie/de-sociale-aspecten-van-de-energietransitie/energiearmoede/.
by Saloni Sharma
The Dark Beauty, 21 May 2017 by “Pushpeshpant.10”, licensed under Creative Commons Attribution 4.0
The first time I went to Sanjay Van, a ridge forest along the foothills of Aravali Range in the heart of South Delhi, was on a field trip for a course on Ecosophy taught by Dr.
Aseem Srivastava at Ashoka University. As I, along with my classmates gasped in awe at this nature’s paradise — in the middle of the congested metropolis, our teacher shared with us the story of Vinod Rawat, the founder, who made the restoration of this forest his life’s mission after the death of his beloved wife.
I have visited Sanjay Van many times since. In fact, I believe it was Sanjay Van that has inspired me to follow a research career in the field of Ecological Humanities. I was humbled to share this fact with Devika Rawat, daughter-in-law of the Late Vinod Rawat, when I approached her for an interview for the present assignment. The answers to the following questions are based on my conversation with her who now leads Working with Nature (WWN), a citizen-led organisation founded by her late father-in-law.
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented?
The initiative has been implemented at Sanjay Van, a city forest that is part of Delhi’s South Central Ridge formed by the world’s oldest fold mountains, the Aravali Range. It is surrounded by densely populated areas of Mehrauli and Vasant Kunj.
Who are the promoters? Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
The promoters are Working With Nature (WWN) — a citizen-led group, and the Delhi Development Authority (DDA) under whose jurisdiction the ridge forest falls. WWN was founded by Air Vice Marshal Vinod Rawat and led under the direction and patronage of HE Tejendra Khanna, Lt. Governor of Delhi. The group has worked closely with DDA for Sanjay Van’s restoration. Ecologists, Prof. P.S. Ramakrishnan and Prof K.S. Rao, and Bird watcher, Dr. Surya Prakash, have also been part of the team along with volunteers from local areas and villages around the forest. WWN is now led by Ms. Devika Rawat, who continues the Work with Nature at Sanjay Van.
Who are the beneficiaries?
The initiative has made space for the city dwellers around to reconnect with nature and rekindle their ecological consciousness. What used to be famous as a degraded land with rumours of ghosts residing in and being a den of thugs, WWN reclaimed the city forest and restored it to its original glory. Because of the efforts of DDA and WWN, the forest now welcomes nature enthusiasts, cyclists, local residents along with everyday visitors who come for respite from the city life and engage in nature walks, yoga, and sightseeing. WWN has partnered with many local schools to carry out awareness drives and sensitise children about nature and their environment.
Importantly, the beneficiaries are also the local flora and fauna that reside inside the forest. The native Aravali trees which were almost extinct because of the plantation of Vilayati Kikar, an invasive tree species, are also one of the prime beneficiaries. The forest provides a natural habitat for many butterflies, blue bulls, a variety of snakes, small and big lizards like the monitor, golden jackals etc. Owing to the efforts by DDA and WWN, over 150 species of birds and rare migratory birds have been documented.
Sanjay Van is part of Delhi’s Ridge which is known as the lungs of the city. All the residents of the city, who might have lost a city forest to encroachment and real estate but now can celebrate the restoration of the city’s ecological heritage also benefit from this project.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
The project tackles both — mitigation as well as adaptation. The forest helps with the heavy pollution that Delhi faces every year. The tree cover cleanses the air and provides oxygen.
Additionally, Sanjay Van has a medicinal forest which consists of traditional medicinal trees. These trees are specifically good for improving the air quality.
The forest trees are resilient and adapting to the heat as the climate is getting warmer. These are native Aravali trees which belong to the Acacia family. These trees are thorny and not very tall, therefore, they do not require much water. However, they are rich with properties that benefit us and the environment.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
The primary objective of the initiative has been to restore Sanjay Van. Once the forest is restored, the other objective is to preserve it.
Within the restoration work, the goal was to restore Aravali vegetation. The native Aravali vegetation had become extinct from Sanjay Van because it was overrun by the invasive tree, Vilayati Kikar. In Hindi, Vilayati means foreign and Kikar refers to Acacia tree type. Vilayati Kikar is a foreign species which was planted in the 1990s along the periphery of Delhi. This was done to stop the arid soil from Rajasthan desert towards Delhi and to also restrict pollution from increased construction activities. In a slight oversight by the committee who was appointed for the resolution of this problem, a tree was identified which grows very fast — in about 5 years time — to provide the city with tree cover. This tree was Vilayati Kikar. It’s roots go very deep drinking away ground water and banishing other trees to take roots. Gradually, the native trees began disappearing while Vilayati Kikar proliferated.
Therefore, the objective of the project was to plant trees without uprooting Vilayati Kikar.
This year the decision to uproot these invasive trees has been passed. However, when this initiative was implemented, the challenge was to restore native Aravali vegetation without uprooting Vilayati Kikar. This was done by continuously eradicating its seed pots, uprooting young saplings and filling of open areas and extending forest cover with the native trees.
Next, the project also had the objective of making inexpensive water harvesting structures in order to recharge underground water which could provide a fertile land for rapid generation and restoration of natural biodiversity. It also arrested erosion of soil and gradually created large water bodies in the forest. Under the advisory of Dr Rajendra Singh who is known as the Waterman of Rajasthan, check dams were created and abandoned water bodies were replenished with recycled waste water. The forest now boasts 5 lakes which attract more birds. However, the upkeep and care of the water bodies is an ongoing mission.
Furthermore, the vision of WWN also posits making a bird sanctuary inside
the forest. For this, selective planting of fauna friendly vegetation has been implemented. Furthermore, regular checks to maintain sufficiently clean water at the five lakes inside the forest are undertaken so that biological life can be sustained and bird friendly fish in the ponds could be introduced. Because of these efforts, several rare birds have spotted in Sanjay van after many years of absence.
Lastly, replicating the restoration model of Sanjay Van to other ridges of Delhi is also in the vision of WWN.
The restoration work is presently in its last leg with supplementary plantation conducted annually during monsoon.
The preservation and maintainance is an ongoing drill and the role of WWN is to engage citizens in the management of their forest while also liasoning with DDA.
The real estate in Delhi is very expensive and ecroachment of land was a looming threat. The best way to overcome this challenge was to connect people to the land, get more people to come to the forest and become its guardians.
WWN connects people to the forest, raises sensitisation and awareness drives, arranges painting competitions for school children, coordinates nature walks, gather volunteers for the upkeep, engages in plantation work etc.
The main value that has guided the work of WWN is to create awareness and build a reconnection with nature. Oneness with nature is part of the traditional Indian value system and the goal of this initiative has been to rekindle these values — making people to connect with nature and care for their environment.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
The duration of the project was foreseen to be between ten and twelve years to see visible changes as trees take 8-10 years time to grow. During this period, rigorous efforts by DDA with the support from WWN were undertaken for the plantation which resulted in the survival rate of the trees at 75-80% .
The land area of Sanjay Van is 783 acres. To carry out the restoration, little pockets of land were selected to start the work. The forest has 4 layers: the taller
trees which are called the emergents, the canopy trees which provide a cover to the forest, the bushes and the creepers. The plantation therefore, had to have a balance of the four layers and the plantation was organized accordingly.
The water bodies took approximately 5 years to come up and now require regular maintenance.
Therefore, the project has taken 12 years to complete restoration and preservation efforts are endlessly going on.
Which limits does it encounter?
Since the water bodies were created with treated waste water, every now and then the untreated sewage water is pumped in the system from unauthorised colonies in the area. This can have massive repercussions for the health of the ecosystem.
This challenge is mitigated by identifying the source of untreated water. Grass is grown that separates the heavy particles. The water bodies are in step formation at different heights, and as the water goes down, it becomes cleaner. The lakes are also cleaned and oxygenated annually. Furthermore, grass that can separate chemical impurities in the water is also planted.
The second issue that was faced during restoration was the sourcing of native trees. In order to source the native saplings, volunteers travelled to Rajasthan to source the saplings of Aravali trees.
However, there are nurseries within the forest now from where the saplings can be procured for plantation.
Thirdly, encroachment and construction was a challenge, however, with more people coming in the forest, these concerns are diminishing as such activities are difficult to carry out with more people watching.
However, with more and more people coming the fourth issue arises — problem of plastic waste. Daily cleaning and picking of plastic waste is carried out, dustbin pairs have been installed throughout the forest and cleaning drives
are organised. It is however an encouraging reminder that before the restoration, the forest was a dumping ground but now with the collaborative efforts of government and citizens — DDA and WWN — the forest has come a long way.
Fifthly, the nilgai or the blue bulls in the forest are scavengers to the young plants. Pigs and cattle owned by locals in the adjacent areas sometimes graze and forage in the forest. This has negative repercussions on the ecology but such sensitive issues require solutions that promote mutual coexistence. Human tampering with plantation — deliberate or otherwise, is also an issue.
In order to check this, tree guards have been installed and when the sapling attains sufficient height, they are removed. WWN has also pushed DDA to build a boundary wall around the forest which is under construction.
Finally, there are 45 religious shrines in the 783 acres of the forest and owing to the court order which states that anything built before the 1990s cannot be demolished, the forest has to coexist with these shrines. Some of them can often interfere with the preservation and disturb the forest. However, these topics require careful treading so that such riddles of conservation are solved in a manner beneficial to ecology and local populace.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
The project’s main goal was to plant native Aravali vegetation, however, during the course, it was learnt that a rigid approach is not serving well and flexibility is crucial. A native tree called Dhak, known as ‘the flame of the forest’ — owing to its big red flowers in spring — had disappeared due to Vilayati Kikar. Because it couldn’t adapt as well as hoped, an understanding towards adaptation was realised and the absolute resolution to plant native trees was revisited.
As a result, some non native trees were planted; flexibility was incorporated to include different trees — as long as they were not invasive but friendly to the environment and good for the birds and bees. These trees adapted well to environment as opposed to the native species.
Additionally, maintenance of water has been a critical point. Because of poor water quality, a lot of migratory birds are lessening in number. Clean water invites more birds and the challenge to keep water clean is an ongoing mission.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
The model worked out by WWN and DDA at Sanjay Van is already being replicated in other ridge forests of Delhi. And, it can also be replicated anywhere in the world.
To revive a forest, trees are the most important element. Identification of the local flora is the first step because local trees adapt best to the environment and require lesser nurturing.
Secondly, revival of water sources is crucial for the sustenance of the newly restored vegetation. Check dams are already being created in many parts of the world. These dams ensure that the rain water goes into the ground and builds groundwater reserves. Additionally, it is important to make sure the soil isn’t eroded.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements, long-term sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)? If yes, which sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)?
This initiative is undoubtedly conducive to broader change as it has inspired many such initiatives being carried out across Delhi. It has fostered a sense of community with nature and promoted goodwill amongst the people it has touched.
Mainly, it has demonstrated the success of government-citizen partnership and also showcased how empowered citizens can bring positive changes to their natural environment.
Nature brings out the best in people and the restoration of Sanjay Van is one such product of this idea.
Sanjay Van was Devika’s father-in-law’s life’s purpose and mission. His ashes are dispersed there.
The Hanging Gardens of Morro da Babilônia
By Natasha Augusto Barbosa
Universidade Federal Do Rio De Janeiro
Laboratório História E Natureza Labhen Ufrj
English version (Portuguese below)
The Mutirão Reflorestamento project is an initiative of the city of Rio de Janeiro implemented in the late 1980s. This project is an offshoot of a previous project, Mutirão, which aimed to urbanize favelas with the help of the residents’ workforce. of the communities served. Reforestation becomes part of this main project with the purpose of recovering and maintaining the vegetation cover of the city’s slopes, contributing to the promotion of biodiversity, in addition to controlling the expansion of slums.
One of the favelas covered by the project was Morro da Babilônia, located in the Leme neighborhood, close to Copacabana, which during the 17th century housed fortifications to prevent invasions of the city. The intensification of the occupation of this region and the recognition of the hill as a favela dates back to the beginning of the 20th century, a period of great urban transformations in the city of Rio de Janeiro. During the process of occupation of the hill, the Atlantic forest gave way to the colony grass, and the instability of the soil, associated with heavy rains, caused the community to experience tragic episodes, with human and material losses, in this way, the relationship of the favela with a biophysical environment for a long time was crossed by fear.
In 1995 the reforestation project was installed in the favela of Morro da Babilônia. The basis of the reforestation project in slums is the cooperation of the residents of the areas served, both for the knowledge of the region, of the people, as well as for the subsequent support for the maintenance of the plantations. There were attempts at reforestation carried out by private companies, however, in slum areas it did not prove to be a viable option for decoupling from the space. Even so, this is an alternative for regions where reforestation cannot be implemented with local participation. The preparation of the soil and planting of tree seedlings carried out by the Mutirão Reflorestamento in Morro da Babilônia was completed in 2000, and then maintenance of the reforestation began.
The residents who participated in this work together with forestry engineers, agronomists and biologists from the city of Rio de Janeiro did not have employment relationships, and to remedy this instability the Municipal Environment Department (SMAC) and the Labor and Employment Department encouraged the creation of a reforestation cooperative, thus, the Cooperative of Workers in Reforestation and Provision of Services of Babilônia Ltda, COOPBABILÔNIA was born. From that moment on, reforestation was the responsibility of the cooperative, formed and managed by the residents of the favela, with technical support from SMAC and with private partnerships and incentives.
Mutirão Reflorestamento remains active, protecting and planting throughout the city of Rio de Janeiro. The project reconciled social and environmental initiatives, helped to strengthen and create a new vision of local identity, in the face of the complex interaction between favela and city.
Residents of the Morro da Babilônia favela are proud of the project, its success has become a tool for defending the plantations. They recognize the improvements in the environment, which has become safer in the face of the impacts of rains, reduced the occurrence of landslides, improved the microclimate, and gradually restores the Atlantic Forest ecosystem, but even with the success of the project and the resurgence of this forest urban, the opposition between favela and city does not end.
Reforestation in Morro da Babilônia is a successful model that can be improved and replicated according to other local needs and realities. The Reforestation Mutirão is a way of reflecting and acting on the urban space in dialogue with the environment, recognizing the positive interaction between communities and public authorities.
Mutirão Reflorestamento obtained national and international recognition, such as selection in the UN Megacities Project in 1990, composing the publication Environmental Innovation for Sustainable Mega-Cities: Sharing approaches that work, and the Projeto Modelo award by the Society for Ecological Restoration in 1999, among others. In more than thirty years of reforestation, the project was reproduced in 92 neighborhoods, more than 10 million seedlings were planted on hills and slopes in the city of Rio de Janeiro.
Portuguese:
O projeto Mutirão Reflorestamento é uma iniciativa da prefeitura da cidade do Rio de Janeiro implementada no final da década de 1980. Este projeto é um desdobramento de um projeto anterior, o Mutirão, que objetivava a urbanização de favelas com auxílio da força de trabalho dos moradores das comunidades atendidas. O reflorestamento passa a integrar este projeto principal com o propósito de recuperação e manutenção da cobertura vegetal das encostas da cidade, contribuindo para promoção da biodiversidade, além de controlar a expansão das favelas.
Uma das favelas contempladas pelo projeto foi o Morro da Babilônia, localizado no bairro do Leme, próximo à Copacabana, e que durante o século XVII abrigou fortificações para impedir invasões à cidade. A intensificação da ocupação desta região e o reconhecimento do morro como uma favela, remonta ao início do século XX, período de grandes transformações urbanas na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Ao longo do processo de ocupação do morro a mata atlântica deu lugar ao capim-colonião, e a instabilidade do solo, associada as fortes chuvas, fizeram com que a comunidade vivesse episódios trágicos, com perdas humanas e materiais, desta forma, a relação da favela com meio biofísico durante muito tempo foi atravessada pelo medo.
Em 1995 o projeto de reflorestamento foi instalado na favela do Morro da Babilônia. A base do projeto de reflorestamento em favelas é a cooperação dos moradores das áreas atendidas, tanto pelo conhecimento da região, das pessoas, bem como, pelo posterior apoio a manutenção dos plantios. Houve tentativas de reflorestamento realizado por empresas privadas, porém, em áreas de favelas não se mostrou uma opção viável pela desvinculação com o espaço. Ainda sim, esta é uma alternativa para regiões onde o reflorestamento não pode ser implementado com participação local. O preparo do solo e plantio das mudas de árvores feitos pelo Mutirão Reflorestamento no Morro da Babilônia foi concluído no ano de 2000, e em seguida foi iniciada a manutenção do reflorestamento.
Os moradores que participaram deste trabalho em conjunto com engenheiros florestais, agrônomos e biólogos da prefeitura do Rio de Janeiro, não possuíam vínculos empregatícios, e para sanar esta instabilidade a Secretaria Municipal de Meio Ambiente (SMAC) e a Secretaria de Trabalho e Emprego, incentivaram a criação de uma cooperativa de reflorestamento, assim, nasceu a Cooperativa de Trabalhadores em Reflorestamento e Prestação de Serviços da Babilônia Ltda, COOPBABILÔNIA. A partir deste momento o reflorestamento estava a cargo da cooperativa, formada e gerida pelos moradores da favela, com apoio técnico da SMAC e, com parceria e incentivos privados.
O Mutirão Reflorestamento continua ativo, protegendo e realizando plantios por toda a cidade do Rio de Janeiro. O projeto conciliou iniciativa social e ambiental, colaborou para o fortalecimento e uma nova visão da identidade local, frente a complexa interação entre favela e cidade.
Os moradores da favela do Morro da Babilônia têm orgulho do projeto, o seu sucesso se tornou ferramenta para defesa dos plantios. Eles reconhecem as melhorias no ambiente, que se tornou mais seguro diante aos impactos das chuvas, minorou a ocorrência de deslizamentos, propiciou a melhora do microclima, e gradualmente recompõe o ecossistema da mata atlântica, mas mesmo com o êxito do projeto e ressurgimento desta floresta urbana, a oposição favela e cidade não se encerra.
O reflorestamento no Morro da Babilônia é um modelo exitoso que pode ser aprimorado e replicado de acordo com outras necessidades e realidades locais. O Mutirão Reflorestamento é uma forma de refletir e agir sobre o espaço urbano em diálogo com o ambiente, reconhecendo a positiva interação entre comunidades e o poder público.
O Mutirão Reflorestamento obteve reconhecimento nacional e internacional, como a seleção no Projeto Megacidades da ONU em 1990, compondo a publicação Environmental Innovation for Sustainable Mega-Cities: Sharing approaches that work, e o prêmio Projeto Modelo pelo Society for Ecological Restoration em 1999, dentre outros. Em mais de trinta anos de reflorestamento o projeto foi reproduzido em 92 bairros, mais de 10 milhões de mudas foram plantadas em morros e encostas da cidade do Rio de Janeiro.
Sources
Sedrez, Lise; Barbosa, Natasha Augusto. Narrativas na Babilônia: Uma experiência de história oral e história ambiental, reflorestamento e comunidade (1985-2015). In: MAIA, Andréa Casa Nova. (org.). História Oral e Direito à cidade: Paisagens urbanas, narrativas e memória social. São Paulo: Letra e Voz, 2019. p. 79-99.
Barbosa, Natasha Augusto. Os jardins suspensos do Morro da Babilônia: o mutirão reflorestamento na perspectiva da história ambiental urbana (1985-2015)130 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) – Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Instituto de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, 2020.
Mutirão de Reflorestamento celebra 33 anos com mais de dez milhões de mudas plantadas em morros e encostas. Prefeitura do Rio de Janeiro. Rio de Janeiro, 20 de junho de 2021. Disponível em:< https://prefeitura.rio/meio-ambiente/mutirao-de-reflorestamento-celebra-33-anos-com-mais-de-dez-milhoes-de-mudas-plantadas-em-morros-e-encostas/>. Acesso em: 20 de agosto de 2021.
Secretaria Municipal de Meio Ambiente. Refloresta Rio: Programa de Reflorestamento do Município do Rio de Janeiro. Disponível em: <https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/7afa6040cd4e46b48720e280b7238434>. Acesso em: 20 de agosto de 2021.
Climate Action Lab (CAL) brings together activists, researchers, and artists to reimagine climate politics through the lens of the city as both the frontline impact-zone and the potential source of grassroots alternatives informed by the principles of climate justice. The Climate Action Lab is developed through a collaboration between the Art, Activism, and the Environment research group from the Seminar on Public Engagement and Collaborative Research at the Center for the Humanities (CUNY Graduate Center), the Occupy Climate Change! Project of the Environmental Humanities Lab at the Royal Technology Institute of Sweden, and the Climate Action Research Cluster of the Social Text Collective.
On September 20, 2019, The Climate Action Lab released its ” A People’s Climate Action Plan” (see document by clicking on the document icon above). The People’s Climate Action Plan crystallizes a year-long series of workshops during the Fall of 2018 and Spring of 2019 with activists, researchers, and artists intended to reimagine climate politics through the lens of the city as both the frontline impact zone and the potential source of grassroots alternatives informed by the principles of climate justice.
See also interview with Ashley Dawson and Aurash Khawarzad on January 19, 2021 where they explain how to make a People’s plan
By Gabriel Redín
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented?
On the Pacific Coast of South America, within the Ecuadorian city of Portoviejo, in the parish of San Pablo, the group “Guardianes de la Colina” was created. San Pablo is located next to the urban center of Portoviejo, extending towards the hills that surround the city. More precisely, the parish of San Pablo is made up of four sectors, of which the sectors known as “Cumbres, Cañonazos y Rocío” and “Los Ceibos” have been the most affected by landslides from the hills in times of heavy rains. It is precisely these sectors that present the greatest gaps in access to basic services and exercise of rights. Their inhabitants are the main integrants of the “Guardians of the Hill” organization. (See Image 1).
What are the main objectives and values?
“Guardianes de la Colina” is a neighborhood organization that has been formed around the strengthening of local capacities and collaboration with external actors, for the protection and intervention of the hills of the parish, as a way to reduce the risk of landslides, recover public space, and improve the quality of life.
This has unfolded in a variety of interventions, in which a set of actors, mentioned below, have participated. Among them, we can highlight: the collaboration for the design of the Comic “Guardianes de la Colina”, for informative purposes, to collect memory and highlight disaster preparedness (see Image 2); the inclusion of children in the processes of caring for green areas and reforestation; the recovery of streams, waste management, and positioning of the relationship of caring for the environment with the right to inhabit safe areas; local capacity development processes such as “Sustainable Endogenous Development Managers”; among other actions. (APGRE & GIZ 2021).
Who are the promoters and beneficiaries?
Initially, in 2019 the group consisted of 10 members, going on to have up to 40 “guardians” from all sectors of the parish. The participation of women in the leadership and support of the group stands out. (See Image 3).
One element that characterizes these territorial interventions has been the ability to articulate capacities of different actors, both internal and external to the community. In particular, stands out the Ecuadorian Association of Professionals for Risk Management (APGRE) and the German Corporation for International Cooperation (GIZ-Ecuador). Other key actors have participated in different interventions, such as the Autonomous Government of Portoviejo and several Universities.
How does this initiative engage with climate?
In a broad sense, the social understanding of risk, as well as actions to reduce it, account for ways of adaptation and mitigation of the occurrence of extreme weather events. In San Pablo, along with a higher frequency of severe weather events during the last years, different actors responded from a greater willingness to address risks as a public matter. This means a comprehensive approach which involves understanding risk to disasters from both natural hazards and social construction of vulnerability.
Within this approach, Climate Change has meant a platform from which to engage with different actors, resources and initiatives. For example, many of the interventions in San Pablo have been possible from the “Urban Laboratory” of Portoviejo, on the theme of “Resilience, risk management and adaptation to climate change”, promoted by GIZ-Ecuador. Several actors involved have found resonance and possibilities for financing and action in the field that has been generated around climate change. (GIZ & APGRE 2021)
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
The first settlements of what would later become San Pablo occurred in the 1950s. An unplanned and disordered growth led the populations with greater social vulnerability to settle in the hills, which triggered, especially in the rainy season, different events of landslides, registered since the 80’s. However, in the five years after the 2016 earthquake that shook the Ecuadorian provinces of Manabí and Esmeraldas, actors and political wills have begun to meet for risk reduction at the local level. The inhabitants of San Pablo began to get involved with the efforts to achieve better urban planning by the Municipality, with the support of civil society and international cooperation. These efforts allowed a more comprehensive approach, beyond the eviction of homes in risk areas, which had characterized previous periods.
Together with other instances of political government of the parish, the formation of the group “Guardianes de la Colina” expresses a form of local organization that raised as its own matter, while open to collaboration with other actors, the reduction of risk of landslides through mitigation actions, recovery of public space and, broadly, the exercise of rights.
Based on a sense of belonging to the territory, San Pablo has been able to modify an imaginary that reduced this parish to elements of danger, to position themselves as an organized community, with commitment to the public. One example is the recovery of spaces in the upper parts of the hills that have now been designed as viewpoints of the city, generating common public spaces, while protecting the protective areas against landslides.
Which limits does it encounter? Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
The interventions have involved the encounter of different actors, with their senses, sensitivities, interests and knowledges, not free of tensions inherent to their different positions. An important challenge can be found in the efforts of recognizing different types of knowledges, experts and non-experts, in understanding risk reduction. For example, misunderstandings can emerge when getting together academics and local dwellers in defining risk and interventions of a territory. Another relevant element has to do with financial support, that allows the risk reduction efforts to continue, while promoting actions that enhance and install durable capacities for local management of the territory. Finally, as part of the organizational processes, we can mention the rotation of the actors and leaders of these initiatives, due to administrative or political changes, which restrict the continuity or scope of several actions.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes?
Many of the actions in San Pablo have been linked to broader municipal policies that account for both a greater institutional framework for territorial risk management, and the political will of the latest administrations. This has been evidenced in a set of instruments, among which the Ordinance that regulates the Decentralized Cantonal Risk Management System (2019), as well as its management model, designed with the technical support of the APGRE, stand out. As a result, at the specific level of San Pablo, it can be mentioned how, in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic, the Neighborhood Risks and Emergencies Committees (CREB) functioned as key actors in the identification, management and response to reduce the risk of contagions at the local level.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
The actions carried out in San Pablo, many of them with the leading role of the local group “Guardianes de la Colina”, may be replicated in other urban sectors exposed to disaster risks. It is important to highlight how, for example, GIZ-Ecuador has generated several disclosure documents that collect and systematize the actions, in order to identify good practices that can be replicable in other urban contexts. Of this, we can mention the concrete experience of a varied and diverse network of actors, both from the territory, municipalities, civil society, cooperation and academia. All this allows us to recognize the potential of collaborative efforts, as well as the rectifiable difficulties that emerge from these encounters. Precisely, it is important to highlight the coincidence of the actors to achieve both comprehensive understandings and responses, in which risk reduction is articulated with other areas of rights. This approach to rights, which includes living in safe areas, has made it possible to include concrete mechanisms on the public agenda and institutions that emphasize risk reduction rather than response to post-disaster emergencies. (APGRE & GIZ 2021).
References
APGRE & GIZ (2021). Transformación social del espacio para la reducción de riesgos. Caso San Pablo, Portoviejo. Quito, Ecuador. https://www.bivica.org/file/view/id/5978
CEEP & GIZ. (2019). Acción Ciudadana Guardianes de las colinas de San Pablo. Sistematización del proceso de implementación de la estrategia de fortalecimiento de capacidades para la acción ciudadana y resultados del monitoreo y evaluación del piloto, y modelo replicable. Quito, Ecuador.
GIZ & APGRE. (2021). “La Agenda 2030 en acción: Mujeres liderando la resiliencia climática para transformar barrios vulnerables en la ciudad de Portoviejo”. Quito, Ecuador. https://www.bivica.org/file/view/id/5984
GIZ. (2019). Diagnóstico territorial integral para la transformación del espacio a escala de barrio. Unidad de intervención territorial San Pablo. Portoviejo, Ecuador.
Pamela Salome Chavez
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
Bicivilizados Ibarra began with the heat of the pandemic in June 2020. This initiative began with a group of friends, who decided to promote a bike ride in the city of Ibarra to vindicate the fight for the implementation of bike paths. Being the first time these paths were established within the urban area, this action caused an important public debate.
The main promoters of this initiative were Karen Sarabia, Esteban Berborich, and Rosalía Suarez. They were the first to meet and talk about the possibility of organizing the first cycle ride. Juan Arias is also one of the promoters, although he has not been there since the founding of Bicivilizados, his presence has been key in the development and planning of the following events.
The beneficiaries are Ibarra citizens. This initiative was born to be accessible for everyone; from children to the elderly, large and small families, groups of friends, adolescents, young people and adults who have the interest to promote biking as an environmental, economic and social alternative.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
This initiative promotes the use of the bicycle as an alternative means of transport within the city, thus inviting citizens to reduce the use of automobiles. Its objective is to change Ibarra inhabitants’ behaviour in order to contribute to the construction of a more sustainable and clean city, which is friendly to pedestrians and cyclists.
This initiative tackles mitigation and adaptation dimensions of climate change. The mitigation mechanisms applied by this movement can be evidenced in vehicles’ emissions reduction to the environment. These emissions are made up of highly polluting gases for the atmosphere, such as carbon monoxide (CO) and nitrogen oxide (NO2), which accelerate global warming.
Since the collective encourages a behavioral change in people from an early age, we can also categorize it as an adaptation measure. One of the programs promoted by Bicivilizados is Wolf Kids. For this program, children are accompanied by a bicycle caravan with adults behind them, so that they can feel secure biking in the urban area.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
The main objective of Bicivilizados is to engage more people who use the bicycle as an alternative means of transport in order to change the environmental, economic, and social dynamics that exist around the use of cars and other fuel-based vehicles.
Another fundamental objective is to promote friendlier and more sustainable cities, where pedestrians and cyclists have greater access to public space, to the streets, and to the city roads. It is also intended to demand greater safety when biking, and promote bike activism as a resistance mechanism against climate change and its consequences on the environment.
The main value that sustains its mission is the firm conviction of seeing the bicycle as a tool for change and therefore as its fight banner to build more socially, economically, and environmentally friendly cities.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
Bicivilizados Ibarra was born in June 2020 with the organization of the first bike ride. Since then, the main events that the group has organized are massive bike rides, in the form of critical mass. Generally, one or two cycle rides are organized per month since the continuous call for these events allows to lay the foundations for maintaining the group’s visibility.
In addition, they also organize forums and conversations around topics related to biking (climate change, bicycle-based ventures, etc.). To carry out these activities during the pandemic, digital platforms were of great support for spreading the initiative in other cities around Ecuador.
In the future, the frequency of the rides is expected to increase, perhaps becoming one cycle a week as occurs in cities like Quito. In the long term, it is also expected to help in the promotion of micro enterprises related to biking.
The most important visible effects have undoubtedly been the cycle rides in which 150 to 180 people have been summoned. The smaller cycles generally have an average of 50 to 80 people.
Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
The key actors of this initiative are the founders and five more members who work as coordinators inside the collective. Bicivilizados does not have a vertical structure, it could be said that the only thing that directs the movement is to love biking. Decisions in the movement are made based on initiatives, that is, one of the coordinators proposes something and then everyone takes the decision as a group. The coordinators work under the motto that anyone supports the cause as they can, whether from time, from space, economically, etc.
The actors behind are young people and adults between the ages of 25 and 40. They are people connected with issues of climate change, with artistic and cultural processes, etc. They have different backgrounds but all of them share the love for biking and for building fairer and more sustainable cities.
Which limits (institutional, physical, social, etc.) does it encounter?
The movement has faced certain social and institutional limits. Regarding the social limits, once the bicycle lanes began to be consolidated, a group of citizens criticized the initiative arguing that the new bike paths create more traffic in the city. This position reflected a political issue with the clear objective of attacking and delegitimizing the movement.
Regarding the institutional limits, the group does not have the municipality or other public institutions’ support that guarantee the cyclist safety, or that promote public policies in favor of biking. Evidence of the lack of interest of political authorities on this particular issue, is the state of the city’s 4 km bike paths. This infrastructure has not been properly maintained and no investment has been made to fix the sections that are already deteriorated.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
One of the problems that has arisen from the implementation of the initiative, is the fact that not all coordinators are in complete agreement with the fact of including a political vision to the activities that the movement organizes. So, this is an issue they are still tackling. Although all the coordinators agree to see the bicycle as their fighting horse, not all agree that this is a political act. However, for some members of the collective, the activities promoted by the movement constitute a political act by themselves.
Some members argue that bigger changes will only come from promoting public policies in favor of biking. For these members, the best strategy would be for the group to start thinking about changes related with legal and political opportunities, that is, to fight for the approval of a law or ordinance.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
Definitely, the initiative could be implemented in other cities of Ecuador and the world. The movement has had considerable recognition and opportunities to grow. Through the use of online platforms, the collective had the opportunity to form networks with other movements in other cities of the country. This has made it easier to develop face-to-face events in the future.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements, long-term sustainability, or community preparedness, etc.)? If yes, which?
Yes, this initiative can lead to broader changes in the city. As mentioned, an important group of coordinators consider as a future objective, to promote the creation of an ordinance or a regulation that could promote two main things: the use of bicycles within the city as an alternative means of transport, and the security and infrastructure necessary to make biking safe. However, in order to achieve this political goal, it is vital that all the team embraces a vision of political activism. In the words of Juan Arias, coordinator of the group: “Only from political power can radical changes be made. The changes come when you manage to touch the fibers of power and from there, you create transformations. Transforming the city in favor of pedestrians and bicycles is a political act and as a collective, we should have the ability to understand it and work for it ”.
Links for knowing more about Bicivilizados Ibarra:
Instagram:https://www.instagram.com/bicivilizadosibarra/
Facebook:https://www.facebook.com/groups/1945996255533377
References:
Interview withs members of Bicivilizados Ibarra
Google. s.f. Google Maps location of Ibarra. Retrieved October 15, 2021 from https://goo.gl/maps/JytRkixc3psZCMoB7
Pamela Salome Chavez Calapaqui
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
This grassroots initiative is being implemented in the city of Quito, Ecuador. The main neighborhoods that Yanapana is working with are in the Chillogallo parish. This is in the peri-urban area, where the houses are constructed on the hillside (which means they are located in a zone prone to risk). Their population doesn’t have full access to basic services and equipment. These neighborhoods are: La Dolores and Cumbres del Sur.
Yanapana´s promoters are four young people who launched this initiative in July 2020. They work together with 60 volunteers approximately, plus the allies that support the cause with donations. One of its allies, the De Base organization, works in the field closely with these neighborhoods. Other allies that Yanapana works with are the civil organization Love is Giving and the AMS club Ecuadorian Students Association (ESA) of the University of British Columbia.
The beneficiaries are the families who live in La Dolores and Cumbres del Sur. Currently, Yanapana is working in a tailored plan with only 2 families of these neighborhoods.
The Name Yanapana comes from the Ecuadorian language kichwa, and means “to help a friend”. Yana means help and pana means friend.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
Yanapana’s aim to construct urban orchards in the neighborhoods of La Dolores and Cumbres del Sur constitutesa mitigation practice against climate change, as well as an adaptation practice.
It is a mitigation practice in the sense that the implementation of urban orchards will permit the reduction of greenhouse gases emission through different methods. The harvest of organic products obtained from the community orchard will reduce the consumption habits of inhabitants and therefore the amount of plastic they use. There will also be a significant reduction in the commute distances to supply themselves with food. In addition, urban orchards help reduce the accumulation of C02 and heat in cities, allowing to alleviate the consequences of heat islands. Moreover, urban orchards promote the production of compost from organic household waste, which also helps in the reduction of greenhouse gases.
Yanapana also embraces adaptation practices in order to tackle climate change. It seeks to adapt human behaviour through the change in consumption and feeding practices. This grassroots movement tries to offer people the opportunity and the resources to empower themselves and change the consumer dynamics of the modern world. By adjusting their ways of food production and consumption, this organization is opening the possibility for other neighborhoods to adapt these practices to their daily lives.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
Yanapana originates from values of love and solidarity with the purpose of providing the foundational nourishment for the body and mind of children. Its main values are solidarity, honesty, cooperation, responsibility and service. Its mission is to tackle the malnutrition problem within vulnerable groups of Ecuador through education, solidarity, and international cooperation; so that every person gets the opportunity to nurture their body, mind and spirit.
The main objective of this initiative is to combat malnutrition in vulnerable groups living in poverty. Yanapana’s target group are families with children under the age of five, as well as families with pregnant women or in lactation period. However, their work is not limited to these groups. The organization delivers food baskets to the beneficiary families and works closely with them to empower their abilities and improve their living conditions and feeding habits in a sustainable and self-sustaining way.
The organization provides the necessary tools and resources for the urban gardens to be built, including educating the population with workshops and specialised training in urban agriculture. To make this possible, the initiative is planning to make alliances with organizations like Agrupar- Conquito andthe Guardianes de las Semillas.
Once the urban orchards are built, families will be taught about healthy nutrition habits based on nutritional plans that will include the orchards’ products. This movement also aspires to involve children and adolescents in the urban orchards activities, with the purpose of letting them explore agriculture as in a farm school. Finally, the long term purpose is to generate micro-enterprises (owned and managed by the families) from the harvested products.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
Yanapana was born on the 26th of July 2020. This grassroots movement was created in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. After one year and a month of operation, it has achieved important steps towards its final objective. In this period of time, alliances were established with the organization De Base and the civil group Love is Giving. During this time, food baskets have been delivered to the most vulnerable families.
Together with the movement De Base, Yanapana is working on the first communitary orchard in La Dolores neighborhood. The first sowing was the 10th of October 2021. In the long term, Yanapana is looking to construct a second urban orchard in Cumbres del Sur neighborhood. In addition, in one or two years, Yanapana aspires to develop micro-enterprises owned by the beneficiary families.
Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
The founders have just graduated from university in the midst of the pandemic. Amid all the chaos, they saw an opportunity to use the resources everyone had available as recent graduates to create positive change in their community.Then, as a group, they came up with this project.
Which limits (institutional, physical, social, etc.) does it encounter?
The movement’s principal limits have been economical. Because this grassroot movement began almost one year ago, it has been really difficult for their founders to obtain the necessary monetary funds for the construction of urban gardens. At the beginning, it was also difficult to capture visibility, that is, to be known by other movements or organizations with more experience and extensive contact networks in the city and the country. Yanapana has not yet achieved such visibility. However, it seeks to achieve greater recognition and therefore more opportunities to expand the project’s cause.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
One of the main shortcomings faced by the initiative is the dependence it has on donations and alliances for the implementation of the initiative. This is a bit problematic since it does not have yet the capacity to self-finance its work, risking to lose part of their income in the process, and thus altering the continuation of the orchards project. Furthermore, another shortcoming is the fact that it is highly difficult to produce a permanent impact on people’s behaviour, which means that the work with beneficiaries should be comprehensive enough to inspire them in a new lifestyle.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
Quito is a city with a great number of precarious neighborhoods situated in the peripheries. There are similar neighborhoods to La Dolores and Cumbres del Sur in the south and north of Quito that have enough space to manage the construction of urban orchards. Even next to La Dolores, there is another neighborhood with similar conditions, the 9 de Diciembre neighborhood. Therefore, the possibility to replicate this initiative is achievable.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements, long-term sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)? If yes, which?
This initiative seeks to lead to broader changes. The project aspires to produce long term sustainability through the work made in close relationship with beneficiaries. This close relationship permits to provide the beneficiaries with the necessary tools for acquiring more sustainable feeding habits, less consumer practices and a greater desire to live in community. In general, the initiative plans to prepare the community to live in a more sustainable and self-sustaining way, in harmony with people and nature.
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Links for knowing more about Yanapana Project:
Instagram:https://www.instagram.com/yanapana_project/
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/YanapanaProject
Website:https://es.yanapanaproject.org/
References:
Interview with member of Yanapana Project Foundation
Google. s.f. Google Maps location of Quito. Retrieved October 15, 2021 from https://goo.gl/maps/JytRkixc3psZCMoB7
Google. s.f. Google Maps location of La Dolores and Cumbres del Sur neighborhoods. Retrieved October 15, 2021 from https://goo.gl/maps/GksmPqVEZegGz3RYA
Yanapana Project Foundation s.f. Retrieved October 15, 2021 from https://es.yanapanaproject.org/
Kyra Torres
Where has this grassroots initiative been implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
The organization arises as a personal initiative in the San José de Ayora parish, Cayambe canton, Pichincha province, Ecuador. Vida y Semilla works closely with people from Quito, the country’s capital, and different parishes within Pichincha. Its founder is Isabel Sánchez, and her family is her support and inspiration in this endeavor that currently includes the participation of 12 people (Sánchez, interview, 2021).
The association has several undertakings, including training and provisioning to produce and consume food in a local, healthy and responsible way (Quito Informa 2017). Relevant work has been carried out in the recovery of traditional knowledge and the training of seed guardians. Urban and rural populations in the province have significantly been influenced. They have gained access to diverse organic seeds, including edible, medicinal and ornamental plants, and knowledge of their cultivation, harvesting, and consumption.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
Food increasingly travels greater distances from its origin to the consumer. Agroindustrial production processes, processing cycles, packaging, upkeep, distribution costs, and the waste generated require large amounts of energy that come primarily from fossil fuels (Mediavilla 2013, Crippa et al. 2021).
As Mediavilla points out, “the case of food is paradigmatic since it is estimated that it travels an average of 4,000 kilometers before reaching our table, when a large part of it can be produced nearby”[Translated from Spanish] (2013, 206). Thus, a third of global energy consumption and consequent carbon emissions are caused by the current agribusiness model that has shown to have lower energy efficiency per calorie produced when compared to the previous century (Mediavilla 2013).
Human influence on the recent alterations of the climate system is unequivocal, and greenhouse gases have been recognized as part of the main anthropic factors of climate change at a global level (IPCC 2021). The agri-food industry has become one of the biggest polluters, with solid contributions to the emission of greenhouse gases.
In 2015, GHG emissions (carbon dioxide, methane, nitrous oxide, fluorinated gases, amongst others) from the agri-food system represented 34% of total global emissions (Crippa et al., 2021). As Crippa and his colleagues note, “the largest contribution came from agriculture and land use/land-use change activities (71%), with the remaining were from supply chain activities: retail, transport, consumption, fuel production, waste management, industrial processes and packaging” (2021, sn).
Climate change, in addition to the increase in global temperature, represents a series of risks for food production, such as the intensification of extreme climatic events, droughts, frosts, heat waves, floods-, alteration of rainfall cycles, increase in sea level, loss of glaciers, impact on freshwater sources, amongst others (IPCC 2015, 2021).
The production and quality of food, livelihoods, and public health in Latin America are especially vulnerable to the impacts of climate change (IPCC 2014). Similarly, the global south countries are increasingly exporting better quality calories at low cost and importing expensive poorer calories, which have hurt the diet quality of the most vulnerable Ecuadorian households (Falconí 2002) and have influenced the persistence of distributive conflicts and inequity.
The organization encourages sustainable food production, promoting local, ecological, circular, and healthy production and consumption through the education and distribution of organic seeds. This, if replicated on a larger scale, would increase the energy efficiency of the agricultural output and reduce GHG emissions resulting from the agri-food system production chain.
It is also relevant that the recovery of native plant seeds has a more efficient production, and also protects the diversity of Andean plant species and favors wild pollinator’s reproduction. Since the species are adapted to local climates and realities, less energy is invested in their production, and the consumption of resources, such as water, fertilizers, and pesticides, is reduced.
What are the main objectives? What are the fundamental values?
Isabel (personal comments, 2021) states that Vida y Semilla has the following aims:
-Rescue native seeds together with ancestral knowledge and agricultural practices that entail their management and reproduction;
-Educate people and groups about circular economies, 0 km production, food sovereignty, nutrition, among other related topics;
-Work with children, understanding their potential and the need to adapt to the potential challenges of the future ecological and climatic crises that lie ahead;
-Motivate people to produce their own food and consume locally, efficiently and responsibly.
What is the timeline? Are there any visible effects already?
In 2008 Vida y Semilla was born commercially. In 2010 the initiative joined the Red de Guardianes de Semillas (Seed Guardians Network), a group of organizations that aim to protect agrobiodiversity and promote regenerative life systems in Ecuador, emphasizing the social and educational part of food production. In 2017 Isabel was the winner of the “Successful Entrepreneurship” Program promoted by ConQuito (Quito Informa 2017). With this, the association expanded to include 12 people who seek, in addition to the production of seeds, to educate and train new guardians.
Currently, the association continues to work with more than a hundred native species of organic seeds for food production, ecosystem recovery and reforestation, diffusion of plant species for pollinators, production of seeds for sprouts, citizen education and training processes, amongst other actions that has become their alternative of life and economic sustenance. Additionally, it should be remarked that they protect 80 types of cultivated native seeds (Sánchez, interview, 2021).
What advocates are involved? What is their background?
The key stakeholder in this initiative is Isabel Sánchez, who, as a child, helped her grandmother, Isabel Calderón, in the collection, classification, and handling of seeds for agriculture. Her grandmother instilled this interest and transmitted the traditional knowledge orally, as a part of everyday life, to her family.
Later, the organization’s founder studied biology and continued to work in seed production, establishing a dialogue between ancestral and formal-academic knowledge. Her family members participate in the initiative, with exceptional support from her husband, Ricardo Cabezas, and her cousin, Natalia Lascano.
The work has slowly spread and gained the recognition of entities such as the Municipality of the Metropolitan District of Quito and ConQuito. Due to the restrictions placed under the COVID 19 Pandemic, many people in the city of Quito and surrounding valleys realized the importance of local food production, which has driven the work of the last year and has expanded its influence in urban areas (Sánchez, interview, 2021).
What limiting factors (institutional, physical, social, etc.) does it encounter? ∙ Are any shortcomings or critical points highlighted? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
Isabel would say that the toughest challenge is to compete in the market with hybrid and transgenic seeds, whose production costs are lower, in a socioeconomic reality where the price can make local and responsible projects challenging to access for the most vulnerable communities.
The reduced number of opportunities for the commercialization and exchange of this type of products and little space for the socialization of these initiatives, which bring producers and consumers closer together, is also precise.
Finally, there is evidence of a lack of education and recognition that prevents more significant support and dissemination of the principles that move Vida y Semilla.
How could it conceivably be reproduced in other settings?
The initiative can be replicated at different scales and geographic spaces. It is considered of particular relevance in those places where there is traditional agricultural knowledge that must be recovered and transmitted to future generations. Similarly, it could be replicated in those places where the cultivation of native species is being lost due to the use of GM seeds.
Education is a fundamental pillar for the construction and dissemination of alternative models of local production and consumption by being more energy-efficient, which in turn reduces pollution throughout the production chain.
Another way to replicate the proposal is through the creation of networks, not only at the local level but also regionally and even globally, where experiences and knowledge can be shared, actions made visible, external funds can be obtained to potentiate ventures and thus counter the agroindustrial model that is outcompeting small producers.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements, long-term sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)? If yes, which?
By achieving a greater scale and dissemination, this initiative proposes giving rise to a more sustainable food production and consumption model. In countries like Ecuador, which, due to their biophysical characteristics, allow a rich and varied local production, the risk posed by climate change for food sovereignty and security could be mitigated, improving nutrition and quality of diet.
The consumption of local products and even the organization and mobilization in favor of urban cultivation would also help reduce GHG emissions associated with the very high levels of energy consumption required by industrial food production and the great distances they travel to consumer tables.
References
Crippa, Monica, Efisio Solazzo, Diego Guizzardi, Fabio Monforti, Francesco Tubiello, Adrian Leip. 2021. “Food systems are responsible for a third of global anthropogenic GHG emissions.” Nature Food 2: 1-12. Doi: 10.1038/s43016-021-00225-9.
Falconí, Fander. 2002. Economía y Desarrollo Sostenible ¿Matrimonio feliz o divorcio anunciado? El caso de Ecuador. Quito: FLACSO Ecuador.
IPCC, Grupo Intergubernamental de Expertos sobre el Cambio Climático. 2014. El Quinto Reporte de Evaluación del IPCC ¿Qué implica para Latinoamérica? Resumen Ejecutivo. Alianza Clima y Desarrollo.
IPCC, Grupo Intergubernamental de Expertos sobre el Cambio Climático. 2021. Climate Change 2021: The Physical Science Basis. Contribution of Working Group I to the Sixth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://www.ipcc.ch/report/ar6/wg1/downloads/report/IPCC_AR6_WGI_Full_Report.pdf
Mediavilla, Margarita. 2013. “¿Cómo ha de producirse la transición a un modelo energético sostenible?”. Documentación social 167: 191-211.
Quito Informa. 2017. Emprendedores en la agenda internacional: A un año de Hábitat III. Disponible en: http://www.quitoinforma.gob.ec/2017/10/20/emprendedores-en-la-agenda-internacional-a-un-ano-de-habitat-iii/. Consultado el: 3 de junio de 2021.
Sánchez, Isabel. 21 de junio de 2021. Entrevista virtual. [Plataforma Google Meets]. Quito.
Social Networks:
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/Vida-y-Semilla-253067625121807
By Katia Paola Barros Esquivel
Where this grassroots initiative is implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
Tiendas Amigas is a network for the commercialization of peasant products. This project is promoted by the Higher Technological Institute Crecermas (ISTEC), the German cooperation GIZ and the Union of Affected by the Petroleum Operations of Texaco (UDAPT).
This project, constituted as a commercialization network of peasant products, is at the cantonal level, located in Lago Agrio, Sucumbíos province, Ecuador. Tiendas Amigas consists of the distribution of organic crops typical of the area, these products are marketed through peripheral stores of the city called “Tiendas Amigas” that benefit a total of 1780 people in the town. The beneficiaries belong both to the families of the productive farms, as well as to the owners of the stores in the peripheral areas of Lago Agrio.
How this initiative engages with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
The Tienda Amigas initiative addresses both adaptation and mitigation to climate change. The adaptation is approached from the communication, awareness and education measures of the small producers, who supply local and organic products to the peripheral stores called “Tiendas amigas”, who have to adapt to the unfavorable conditions of the environment such as intermittent income, Accelerated urbanization processes, depletion of natural resources and others (Vivas Viachica 2016, 55). In this context, the small producers of Tiendas Amigas have adapted to the new natural conditions of the environment and have even been trained so that their products are organic.
Similarly, in terms of mitigating climate change, this initiative promotes the inner dynamism of neighborhoods, so that internal commerce is strengthened, as well as the local economy and people can make their purchases of daily supplies within their close area in the peripheral stores located (84 so far). Thus, this initiative promotes compact neighborhoods where people can access everything they need on foot or by bicycle.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
The main objective is to create a marketing network of small producers that do not compete with each other, but that is a exclusively system to promote their actions. This objective has already been achieved with the implementation of 84 stores located in the peripheral areas of the city of Lago Agrio.
The purpose of the activities of Tiendas Amigas is also to offer fresh organic products (such as: tomatoes, lettuce, potatoes, etc.) to the people of the city, in an accessible way since they are located in neighborhood stores and therefore reduce the distance of mobilization of people to buy basic necessities. In this context, the project’s actions are aimed, on the one hand, at small producers who benefit by selling their products; and, on the other hand, to the population that buys the products in spaces located near their neighborhood.
Indeed, it seeks to improve the population’s diet by offering fresh and organic products accessible by distance to people.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
“Tiendas Amigas” began its operation in January 2020; taking as a starting point the actions undertaken by ISTEC, an institution that periodically promotes community outreach projects. Thus, it began with the training of producers in terms of prices, construction of orchards, local arable products, organic technification of product cultivation, adaptation to climatic conditions, and others.
Subsequently, the articulation with the peripheral local stores was carried out so that they are the ones that sell these natural and organic products; at the moment they already have a total of 84 neighborhood stores implemented.
With this background, the project stands out since more actors have been added. One of them is the Tarabita Foundation, who help migrants by granting them purchase quotas. Prior to the knowledge of the Tiendas Amigas project, the Tarabita Foundation granted the quota only for a supermarket located in the center of Lago Agrio, so the beneficiaries of this quota had to go to the supermarket. Now, together with the Tiendas Amigas project, stores near migrant neighborhoods have been located so that purchases of basic necessities are made in neighborhood stores, promoting local commerce and reducing large mobilizations for the purchase.
The already visible effects are: the incorporation of new actors to the project, such as the Tarabita Foundation; the strengthening of the internal commerce of the locality; the decrease in daily mobility to make purchases, then non-motorized mobility is strengthened.
Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
Tiendas Amigas is a project that was born from three institutions ISTEC, GIZ and UDAPT
ISTEC is the Crecermas Higher Technological Institute whose mission is “the consolidation of an educational service of excellence that guarantees the training of professionals with the capacity for ethical, moral, cultural, social, humanistic, scientific and technical performance; solidly prepared to respond, with human, scientific and technological quality, to the challenges and demands of a world in permanent change and transformation, in such a way that a comprehensive and sustainable Human Development model is generated in the Ecuadorian Amazon region and specifically in the province of Sucumbíos ”(ISTEC s / f).
The German cooperation GIZ has been working in Ecuador since 1962. Their vision is to “work to shape a future worth living around the world”. Their values are focus on the principles of sustainability ”(GIZ s / f).
Finally, the UDAPT is a non-profit organization that bears its acronym referring to the Union of Persons Affected and Affected by Texaco Petroleum Operations (UDAPT). This organization represents people affected by oil pollution since 1993 and is made up of 6 communities of different indigenous nationalities of Ecuador The Waorani, Siekopaai, Siona, A´I Kofán, Shuar and Kichwa and around 80 peasant communities settled in the area contaminated. It is located mainly in the provinces of Sucumbíos and Orellana in northeastern Ecuador. Its objective is “the repair of the northern Ecuadorian Amazon.”
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
The main difficulty that arose at the time of project implementation lies in the need to educate small producers. First, in terms of their insertion into the market and that they stop producing only for self-consumption, which required an education in the ways of growing in larger quantities, market prices, project benefits, etc.
In this context, a process of socialization and teaching of the farmers was necessary in which they had a transition to go from thinking about producing only for their own consumption, to producing in a way that this action is profitable for them and that they can live by carrying out these activities. This point is highlighted since each teaching process was different, considering that there were farmers with more experience than others.
Finally, another of the drawbacks has been that it has not yet been possible to implement the technological tool that consists of a mobile application to place orders and that allows stores to optimize direct contact with the Tiendas Amigas project; however, the store owners, as mentioned by Rosa (project manager) prefer direct, personalized and order contact.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
The Tienda Amigas initiative is easily replicable in other places as long as coordination and articulation between the three main actors that influence the effectiveness of the project is ensured:
1. Those who provide the service, in this case local stores that sell local products
2. Those who receive the service, people interested in buying local products in stores
3. Those who supply the products, farmers and producers
However, it is pertinent to point out that each sector may have its drawbacks, with respect to the area in which the city is located and the nearby rural area where basic necessities are grown, this due to the fact that the harvest times are different according to the products that are grown.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements, long-term sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)? If yes, which?
The project promotes great changes within the city’s neighborhoods. On the one hand, it strengthens farmers, who for a long time in Ecuador have been the sector least served by the technical side. In effect, this future initiative seeks a change in the conception of self-nutrition of families, both farmers and those who benefit from having these products in stores near their neighborhood.
Regarding peripheral stores, in the future, it is expected to create joint work ties with cooperators, strengthening local marketing to (1) reduce travel when buying; and, (2) reduce the mobilization of products that come from other areas, especially Lago Agrio because it is a border city with Colombia, shows a lot of product mobilization, so strengthening the internal marketing and products of the area will reduce the consumption of external products.
References
C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group s/f). Guidance to Design a Green and Thriving City Neighbourhood. ARUP
(ISTEC) InstitutoSuperior Tecnológico “CRECER-MAS”. s/f. Misión y visión. https://istec.edu.ec/istec/mision-vision
GIZ. s/f. Identity. https://www.giz.de/en/aboutgiz/identity.html
(UDAPT) Unión de Afectados y Afectadas por las Operaciones Petroleras de Texaco. s/f. Inicio – UDAPT. http://www.udapt.org/
Vivas Viachica, Elgin. 2016. “Factores que inciden en la sostenibilidad de la pequeña producción agropecuaria en el contexto de Cambio Climático”. En Agricultura sostenible para enfrentar los efectos del cambio climático en Nicaragua. Managua: Diseños Gráficos CG.
Katia Paola Barros Esquivel
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
La Asociación de recicladoras de El Valle (AREV, Association of women recyclers of El Valle), is an association that have been operating since 1996. They are located in the El Valle parish, where the sanitary landfill of the city of Cuenca, Ecuador was located until 2001. AREV is made up of six members, all female, and most of them heads of household. It is part of a much larger network at the cantonal level. This network is made up of eleven associations as well as independent persons. In this context, recycling spaces are arranged so that most of the cantonal land is covered. AREV currently works in different locations in Cuenca, including El Valle parish. In the long term, this initiative aims to make the entire population of Cuenca and its peripheries aware of the benefits of these activities, in addition to educating the population to carry out this activity properly so that people begin to make a correct classification from the homes and make work easier for AREV.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
Annually, between 2.5 to 4 billion metric tons of waste are generated in the world, not counting those from construction, mining and agriculture (Delgado 2016). This is the result of the urban metabolism of cities, where urban spaces are open systems that take resources and energy outside the city system, from a geographical dimension, and discard dissipated energy and degraded materials (Delgado et al. 2016).
AREV’s initiative addresses both adaptation and mitigation to climate change. The adaptation is approached from the communication, awareness, and education measures of the waste management, since one of the fundamental tasks of AREV is to educate the families to recycle in a conscious way. The work of separating the types of waste is suitable for the new uses that can be given to the waste. In this context, AREV is constantly giving personalized talks to families who wish to integrate into a conscious way of recycling.
Similarly, in terms of mitigating climate change, this initiative contributes with actions of selective collection, composting and recycling of materials for their recovery and reuse. These actions allow the usual treatment of waste, collection – final disposal, change and give a new use to the waste.
In this context, the initiative allows the reduction of the energy consumption of solid waste treatment, if we compare it to the final energy flows of non-recycled waste with respect to the consumption of this treatment; in addition to the direct reduction of greenhouse gases by reducing the waste that is not deposited in the sanitary landfill, which would generate higher CH4 productions (Graziani 2018).
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
AREV sets its main goals in consciously recycling solid waste, so that the selected materials serve a 100% new function. In this sense, the task has as one of its objectives to educate the population to be able to properly separate materials from those that cannot be recycled. In this way, AREV promotes that this activity becomes a habit for families and with it a fundamental and conscious part of acting so that even this environmental awareness is transmitted even without the need for the presence of AREV.
This organization currently has six members, and they try to ensure their actions allow them to recuperate a minimum of 1800 kilos of solid waste per month.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
In 1996, AREV started operations directly at the sanitary landfill, at that time, located in the “El Valle” parish, Cuenca; when the recyclers carried out their work directly in the space where solid waste was disposed of, salvaging materials such as cardboard, paper, plastics, and glass; in addition to organic waste for the manufacture of compost.
Once they were consolidated as associated waste pickers and in coordination with CARE (NGO that seeks social justice for the most vulnerable populations) they sought to form a network of waste pickers at the cantonal level. This project was started with two recyclers’ associations (one of them AREV) until now reaching eleven associations at the Cuenca canton level; this with the aim of covering the entire territory of the city. However, is this grassroots initiative, partner of AREV, their work was discriminated against by citizens and there was no regulation that endorses their work until the validity of the “Ordinance that regulates the integral management of waste and solid waste in the Cuenca canton” On April 1, 2003. As of this date, its actions have been boosted since citizens are obliged to store and dispose of waste differently in accordance with the principles of recycling.
The recyclers work is between two and four times a week. AREV recollect a minimum 300 kilos per month. In this way, the effects are not directly visible, since the recycled material is delivered to companies that can reuse it. However, it is pertinent to point out that the sanitary landfill of the city of Cuenca receives an average of 18,000 kilos less solid waste per month thanks to the work of the recyclers.
Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
AREV, being part of a comprehensive network of recyclers, covers the Cuenca canton for the most part. To consolidate this network, a coordinated action was established between various institutions. One of them was CARE, an NGO that promoted the collective action of the network at the cantonal level and its articulation with the national level. In addition, the local State through the Municipal Public Cleaning Company of Cuenca (EMAC EP), even though the recyclers do not have a dependency relationship with the EMAC, the company contributes to the training of waste pickers in general in medical matters, accounting, computing, crafts, and others.
In addition, according to Bertha Chalco, the EMAC grants the recyclers a kind of food voucher for their families and provides a nursery for those mothers who want to carry out this activity. Similarly, this network of recyclers at the cantonal level is articulated with a national network that provides implements and uniforms for recyclers.
Which limits (institutional, physical, social, etc.) does it encounter?
Because this is a local initiative, there are no institutional limitations. Regarding the physical limitations, it is important to highlight that the AREV requires a space where its recycling work is facilitated and where the recyclers can store their work implements.
Previously, AREV had a recycling plant located in the El Valle parish; However, now their task is carried out in different streets of the city of Cuenca, carrying out daily recycling tasks and sending the recycled material at the end of the day to intermediaries, who are in charge of selling these recycled materials to companies.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
A visible critical point in the implementation of this initiative was going from recycling directly in a recycling plant, where they had a fixed space, to recycling directly on the streets passing house to house. As Bertha tells us, in this transition there was a time when recyclers had to store recyclable waste in their homes, in makeshift spaces, causing discomfort to their families and in a way to the neighborhood. That is why, currently, all recycled material is not stored in warehouses or in their homes but passes directly into the hands of intermediaries who are in charge of selling this recycled material to processing companies.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
This initiative, being local, is easily replicable in other places, obviously it depends on the legal regulations that allow people to carry out recycling activities in cities. In addition, it is important to mention that AREV stands out because it expands its action space and provides training to companies and to households that want to recycle their solid waste, educating people to make a good separation of recyclable and non-recyclable waste. In this context, this initiative can even continue to expand in terms of the number of people who belong to the association and the number of households that want to be part of the people who take advantage of used materials or waste.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements, long-term sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)? If yes, which?
The development of this initiative allows to show a form of social organization in network, not only of an association as such, but the way in which people can join the task of recycling and generate collective improvements and social responsibility with the environment.
Changing people’s non-recycling habit is a medium and long-term task, since first they must educate families to recollect materials that allow a new use and, on the other hand, this habit is maintained over time and do not be something temporary. Once the habits of the families have changed, Bertha mentions, it is easier for these habits to be shared even within the same family circle and the task of educating is no longer solely the task of the recyclers but becomes a part of essential education of each family.
References
Delgado, Gian Carlo. 2016. “Residuos sólidos municipales, minería urbana y cambio climático. El Cotidiano 195: 75-84.
Delgado, Gian Carlo, Cristina Campos y Patricia Tentería. 2016. “Cambio climático y el metabolismo urbano de las megaurbes latinoamericanas”. Hábitat Sustentable 2(1): 2-25.
Graziani, Pietro. 2018. Economía circular e innovación tecnológica en residuos sólidos: Oportunidades en América Latina. Buenos Aires: Corporación Andina de Fomento.
Grace López Realpe
Natura Insurrecta (NI) is a self-managed ecological organization located in Quito. It belongs to Bloque Proletario, which is a Popular Front Movement that brings together various organizations of workers, peasants, students, women, artists, popular neighborhoods, and aims to develop a new revolutionary current in Ecuador. NI was formed in 2016 to face social and environmental issues from a materialistic position through ecological, social, and economic analysis. Given the strong impact generated by the COVID-19 pandemic, in 2020 they built three urban community orchards in the peri-urban area of Quito, at Zabala-Calderón, the Commune of Sorialoma in Guangopolo, and San Francisco de Miravalle (Figure 1). In cooperation with local communities, they have opened spaces to work the land with two objectives:
- To support food sovereignty at popular areas from Quito, through the production of a variety of agricultural products and preparation of “community pots” in the following neighborhoods: Guamaní, La Lucha de Los Pobres, Zabala, Carapungo, and Comité del Pueblo.
- To promote community orchards as spaces for political training and collective learning.
NI works together with other organizations from Bloque Proletario such as Luna Roja, which defends women’s rights; ASOTRAB, which organizes non-regulated street vendors and sexual workers; and La Pobla, which works at neighborhoods and helps with the coordination of “community pots” at marginalized areas from Quito. The “community pots” is an initiative that consists of the collective preparation of food to face hunger in popular areas of Quito (Figure 2).
Urban farming activities play a mitigation role in climate change since they are green spaces in cities that act as carbon sinks.In addition, NI’s urban community orchards are managed in an agroecological manner, promoting sustainable agriculture that supports changes in food consumption patterns and enables the reduction of food transportation and storage, allowing a decrease in the use of fossil fuels. Composting practices are also developed, contributing to better management of organic waste.
Community orchards are also adaptation practices to climate change because they improve resilience by reducing the exposure and vulnerability to the lack of food, faced by people living in poor neighborhoods. Besides, through collective action to produce food, the community develops self-sufficiency and control over agricultural systems, allowing localized appropriation of production spaces, but also practices linked to caring for the environment at the local level, health care; all this outside of transnational companies or public policies as bodies that organize food production and consumption.
NI’s main principles are self-management, collective action, class independence, and free transfer of knowledge. They consider that nature problems are exacerbated by capitalism, thus to protect nature and the environment it is necessary to organize and come together between different oppressed sectors. NI acts from a radically popular view; their causes include the women’s rights movement, the fight against power and oppression, and the importance to develop a project free of institutions such as political parties and NGOs. Its purpose is to develop new paths of organizing to reach social and environmental justice. Community orchards are a means and not an end, to promote agency, political activation, understanding of reality, and raising awareness.
The processes developed at the orchards show that the changes and repairs to reduce the precariousness of life in the cities, and the destruction of nature, must take place at a collective level, not at an individual one.
Since its formation in 2016, it has carried out several initiatives such as annual political training schools, study circles, forums in universities, discussions, among others. The creation of urban orchards is a project framed in the work in neighborhoods that took shape in 2020, in the context of the global pandemic. In one year of operation, they have managed to harvest radishes, squash, tomatoes, corn, and more products that have been used in the cooking of “community pots”, aimed mainly at street vendors and other vulnerable populations. Moreover, at the Sorialoma Commune gardens, art workshops have been held with neighborhood children, guitar classes, painting, and welding (Figure 3). Between August and September 2021, an Ecological Political School was held on problems of nature and society. In the future, it is proposed to continue with work in neighborhoods and create programs to promote food sovereignty and improve the nutrition of the inhabitants of popular neighborhoods in Quito.
The actors involved in the organization are diverse, including students, workers, artists, researchers, teachers, and residents of the neighborhoods. In short, they are activists and an organized community that seek to combine their knowledge, between traditional and technical, to work the land in the orchards and generate necessary political reflections in these times. In Ecuador, national unemployment reached 13.3% of the Economically Active Population between May and June 2020, compared with 3.8% in December of 2019 (INEC 2020). The situation gets even worse for people living at the urban peripheries (Vega Solis & Bermúdez 2019). The orchards and “community pots” are a concrete response to face this difficult reality.
The two main limitations for the development of NI’s projects are funding and the levels of participation. Being a self-managed activity, the construction of community orchards has been sustained by volunteers’ work, such as minga[1], and by campaigns for the donation of tools and supplies done in social networks. Another way to collect funds is by preparing and selling food, and also offering paid workshops, for example, a Geographic Information Systems course was recently held. The orchards require constant work and unfortunately, participation is still sporadic. Of the 33 people registered as volunteers in the orchards, approximately half attend every weekend to work.
The activity is replicable, the orchards have expanded to three different areas of the city, and the work of the popular pots has spread among 10 peripheral neighborhoods in the north and south of Quito. As there are several vulnerable peri-urban areas in the city, work can continue to grow. However, to achieve this goal it is necessary to convene a greater number of participants committed to working on the land and promoting social transformation.
Natura Insurrecta has built community gardens from an environmental and social conscience, seeing them as a means for social transformation. As established by the founder of the organization:
(…) What we want to promote with the popular pots is to meet the needs of the people (…) But that is not the only purpose, we want to demonstrate to the people who are in the neighborhood, in the field, that by organizing ourselves collectively we can help each other” (Carlos, interview, 2021).
The urban community orchards developed by Natura Insurrecta in Quito are a demonstration that it is possible to generate broader changes at an urban scale regarding climate action and social justice. The sum of political action with collective work based on reciprocity practices becomes an organizational mechanism that improves people’s quality of life and support in the fight for the right to the city.
References
INEC – Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas y Censos. 2020. “Encuesta Nacional de Empleo, Desempleo y Subempleo (ENEMDU)” Indicadores laborales mayo-junio 2020, 1-49.
Testori, G., & d’Auria, V. 2018. Autonomía and Cultural Co-Design. Exploring the Andean minga practice as a basis for enabling design processes. Strategic Design Research Journal, 11(2): 92-102. May-August. doi: 10.4013/sdrj.2018.112.05.
Vega Solis, C., & Bermúdez Lenis, H. F. 2019. Informalidad, emprendimiento y empoderamiento femenino. Economía popular y paradojas de la venta directa en el sur de Quito (Ecuador). Revista De Antropología Social, 28(2), 345-370. https://doi.org/10.5209/raso.65618.
For this entry, an in-depth interview was conducted with the founder of Natura Insurrecta, Carlos Realpe. Also, participatory action research was carried out in the different gardens created by NI.
Finally, information was collected from social networks of the organizations analyzed. And a documentary video on the orchard’s initiative was reviewed, found at the following link: https://www.facebook.com/1573339092681322/videos/2109568965845500
Facebook Frente Ecológico Natura Insurrecta:https://www.facebook.com/Frente-Ecol%C3%B3gico-Natura-Insurrecta-1573339092681322
Facebook La Pobla: https://www.facebook.com/lapoblaresiste
[1] It is a communal work practice from the Andean Region that is traditionally used for agricultural purposes between indigenous peoples. It has also spread among other social groups as a form of social, economic, and political organization. The minga is one of many systems of community work and reciprocity where people do not expect anything in return apart from collective benefit (Testori & d’Auria 2018).
The Let the Onça Drink Clean Water Movement is engaged in the collective construction of a socio-environmental requalification project in the lower course of the Onça Stream watershed, in Belo Horizonte. This watershed, densely populated, is today the largest polluter of the Velhas’s river. In this region, human occupation has uncharacterized the local vegetation, affected the water body and the entire water dynamic. The waters and surrounding areas of this portion of the watershed have received most of the diffuse pollution from upstream processes, becoming the focus of disease, poverty, flooding, and death. Its borders, considered to be extremely risky, are the stage for many structural and social problems (disorderly occupation, incorrect garbage disposal, irregular sewage disposal, lack of public facilities, etc.). On the other hand, this is the only part of the hydrographic basin where Onça Stream runs in a natural bed. Important environmental attractions are also concentrated there (waterfalls, rapids, beaches, islands, forests and springs), which constitute territories of great potential.
For the Let the Onça Drink Clean Water Movement, the challenge of improving water quality is linked to the improvement of the living conditions of the riverside populations, who are the main beneficiaries of its work. The history of this Movement is related to groups of residents who became aware of the problems and potentialities of the region and, in 2001, created the Communitary Council Unidos pelo Ribeiro de Abreu (COMUPRA). This organization does not seek attention and recognition for a specific neighborhood but discusses what matters to all neighborhoods and inhabitants of the northern and northeastern regions of Belo Horizonte, all located in this basin. That is, this Council tried to adequate itself to what the modern Brazilian water law recommends: planning by watershed.
COMUPRA’s actions – which are not based on welfares, but on socio-environmental action and on the incentive to people’s agency – have benefited the local population and natural heritage and promoted a transformation in the lower Onça region.
COMUPRA has brought together other people and institutions that share the same interests for the socio-environmental requalification of the region, giving rise to the Let the Onça Drink Clean Water Movement, an organization that centralizes the discussions, practices, knowledge, and expertise of several partners: the Rio das Velhas Watershed Committee (CBHVelhas), the Onça Subcommittee (SCBHOnça), the Manuelzão Project (UFMG), the Minas Gerais Sanitation Company (COPASA), the Belo Horizonte Urbanizing and Housing Company (URBEL), universities, schools, among others.
Initially, the actions developed in the lower Onça region aimed at improving the living conditions of local populations and, consequently, their environment. These were, therefore, immediate demands that in principle were not climate-related. The awareness that such actions can be related to climate change has been built little by little.
We understand that climate change mitigation implies actions that consciously aim to reduce greenhouse effect gas emissions. Climate change adaptation focuses on the consequences of global warming and “focuses on initiatives and measures to reduce the vulnerability of natural and human systems to the current and expected effects of climate change”. Thus, although the emissions are global, the impact of climate change is local. Therefore, it seems to us that the actions
developed in the lower Onça – especially in its aspects of health, water resources, human settlements, natural ecosystems, education and environmental citizenship – relate more to the line of adaptation to climate change.
According to the study Analysis of Vulnerability to Climate Change in the Municipality of Belo Horizonte, the northern axis of the capital has a trend of greater vulnerability to temperature rise and flood risk. This study proposed climate change adaptation measures that in practice are being implemented in the lower Onça region, as a result of discussions coordinated by COMUPRA and the Let the Onça Drink Clean Water Movement (implementation of the Onça Stream Communitary Ciliary Park, improvement of drainage infrastructure, improvement of housing quality; intelligent use of green areas; accessibility to open public areas; socio-educational campaigns, among others).
Furthermore, in relation to the Sustainable Development Goals, the actions developed in the lower Onça are linked to ODS 2 – Zero Hunger and sustainable agriculture (courses, workshops, and community projects related to family agro-industry and the installation of collective gardens and agroforests); to ODS 6 – Drinking water and sanitation (actions for the requalification of river springs and support to their caretakers, and pressure for COPASA to intercept sewage discharged in natura into the Onça river); to ODS 11 – Sustainable cities and communities (coordination of actions for the implementation of the Onça Stream Communitary Ciliary Park). Thus, this whole process is linked to ODS 13 – Action against global climate change.
Currently, the main goals of the Movement Let the Onça Drink Clean Water are contained in its 2025 GOAL: Swim, Fish and Play in the Onça Stream. To achieve this goal, the Movement Let the Onça Drink Clean Water considers the following measures as indispensable:
- Remove all at-risk families from the borders of the Onça Stream (from the waterfall in Novo
Aarão Reis to the limits of the ETE Onça Stream); - Implementation of the Onça Stream Communitary Ciliary Park ;
- Collection, interception, and treatment of 100% of the Onça Stream sewage;
- Municipalization of the MG-20 highway, (approximately 5 km within the Ciliar Park
territory); - Construction of a new access to the Ribeiro de Abreu neighborhood and region.
Another value defended by the Let the Onça Drink Clean Water Movement is the leading role
given to local populations in the resolution of their problems. To this end, the Movement seeks to
promote dialogue between the community and the institutions that may have an impact on it.
The Let the Onça Drink Clean Water Movement holds debates, meetings, periodic events, training courses/workshops, joint efforts for environmental recovery and communitarian construction of leisure and living spaces, planting of trees and vegetables, and protection of river springs. These actions are organized in a meeting, always on the second Tuesday of each month, and in other meetings that may be necessary.
The socio-environmental actions developed in the region of the lower Onça have already generated numerous conquests for the region, such as the duplication and lighting of the MG 20 highway and the relocation of 700 families that inhabited risk areas, as well as another 400 families that lived in very high-risk areas and were transferred to decent housing nearby. Another important achievement has been the collective occupation of the borders of the Onça Stream (construction, in joint efforts by the residents themselves, of leisure and living areas, a soccer field, a community garden, and agro-forestry production), especially in places where houses were demolished.
Additionally, the Movement Let the Onça Drink Clean Water presented to the Belo Horizonte City Hall the demand for the creation and construction of the Onça Stream Communitary Ciliary Park. The project for this park was built after a long process of popular consultation and technical elaboration. About 5.5 km long, the park will pass through eleven neighborhoods in the northern and northeastern regions of the state capital. Along the way will be installed spaces for socialization, walking trails, bike lanes, courts, playgrounds, gyms, community gardens, among others. The idea is that the residents help build this space, even though this is a responsibility of the City Hall, and feel that the Park is a project that also belongs to them.
Another collective achievement was the cession of the Capitão Eduardo farm and the oldest Manor house in Belo Horizonte to house COMUPRA’s headquarters. Today, free workshops that generate income for the community are held there.
The Let the Onça Drink Clean Water Movement is an organization that involves several partners. Therefore, the actors are diverse and their backgrounds are diverse. In its ranks we find people with academic backgrounds (masters and doctors), teachers, liberal professionals, civil servants, students, and people with no specific background.
Thus, we can identify different actors in the region: the governments (state and municipal) and their public policy actions (relocation of families, sewage interception, urbanization, equipment maintenance, etc); the science, supported in the action of universities ( planning intervention in spaces, organization of joint efforts, actions regarding collective memory, etc); the education, through schools that have learned to identify and reveal in their school communities knowhow and doings, knowledge and daily social practices, used to carry out the reading and the intervention in the local reality; the civil society organizations, that help to confer protagonism to the local communities in the search for the solution of their problems.
Despite the many advances and achievements there are several challenges in the path of the Let the Onça Drink Clean Water Movement. Among them we can highlight:
- The need to contribute for consolidating a public management model that favors actions
aimed at urban sustainability. - The incentive for various sectors of civil society and private initiative to commit themselves
to goals aimed at urban sustainability. - The deficiency of public resources that can be invested in improvement actions in the regions
where the Movement is active. - The recent veto against the application of resources by the Municipality of Belo Horizonte in
urbanization works in regions where the Movement is active.
The main contribution of the Let the Onça Drink Clean Water Movement is perhaps to demonstrate that the experience of social mobilization, the search for partnerships, and decentralized management can be applied in any context. The main point is to create a feeling of belonging to the socio-environmental theme, and in this way empower the community to be the protagonists. Among many (because the region’s achievements are the result of a long process of intersectoral discussions) we can highlight the changes brought about in schools by the processes experienced in the region. There are schools, which are partners of the Let the Onça Drink Clean Water Movement, which have introduced in their curricula socio-environmental discussions and initiatives as support for the contents of several subjects. The experiences of this region have been bringing schools and the community together in a common effort to learn about the local reality.
Furthermore, these schools have opened themselves up to the creation of spaces for dialogue, learning, and participatory methodologies – in partnership with local social movements.
The COONATURA (Cooperativa de Produtores e Consumidores de Ideias, Alimentos e Soluções Naturais – Cooperative of Producers and Consumers of Ideas, Food and Natural Solutions) is a cooperative of natural food producers and consumers that originated in the city of Rio de Janeiro. The initiative began in 1979, through a proposal written in a letter to the readers of ‘Jornal do Brasil’ written by the couple Joaquim Moura and Ligia Lara, entitled “Food withou Poison”. Those interested should get in touch with the couple who would articulate the next steps. Hundreds of people who lived in the city of Rio de Janeiro responded to the letter and, thus, a meeting was scheduled at Lage’s Park in the city.
A group of people who shared the same ideas got together and debated about food and production alternatives, promoting, a few months later, the creation of the Cooperative of Producers and Consumers of Ideas, Food and Natural Solutions – Coonatura.
It can be understood that the beneficiaries of this initial movement were the members and supporters of the group that was formed to create and maintain the Coonatura. These corresponded to people who sought to feed themselves without pesticides, who sought to plant and feed on natural agriculture, and also people who provided land and spaces for planting and who benefited from receiving products free of pesticides produced by the cooperative. Over time, this configuration changed and other promoters and beneficiaries joined this network, such as schools, nursing homes, hospitals and producers in one of the rural areas of Petrópolis/RJ, where Coonatura leased land for organic agricultural production.
The Coonatura initially worked in urban areas, implementing gardens in schools, orphanages, nursing homes and other arable areas, the first garden being carried out at the Santa Monica boarding school. The cooperative promoted other ecological activities such as lectures, cultural events with an environmental content and protests, such as cycling from Rio de Janeiro to Angra dos Reis against the installation of nuclear power plants in Brazil, being the bicycle chosen to demonstrate human energy and to be example of a solution for pollutants emitted by cars. In agriculture, in addition to installing urban gardens, Coonatura also launched itself in the rural area of Petrópolis and, with the example of organic production and production flow in the city, encouraged neighboring producers – who adopted the chemical use of conventional agriculture – to make the agroecological transition in their crops and to sell their products without poison directly to consumers in the city, at Coonatura’s headquarters. In this way, producers would preserve their health and the environment, which they were exposed to strong chemical products, would promote their autonomy and would have economic and social benefits. Today, agroecology is the scientific basis for environmental and socioeconomic transformations, social movement and agricultural practice in promoting food sovereignty.
In addition to Coonatura, during this period the Alternative Technologies Project – PTA was created, which later became AS-PTA (Advice and Service in Alternative Technology Projects), still active today and contributing to environmental transformations, whether in the field of agriculture or other technologies. AS-PTA is associated with the work of the Brazilian Association of Agroecology and the National Articulation of Agroecology.
Agricultural transformation directly impacts the climate issue and society’s environmental awareness, as it values a non-poisonous agriculture that promotes social, economic and environmental well-being. It is understood that awareness of the impact of food and agricultural production, consequently, generates an interest in environmental causes and the impact of human actions on nature over time and how this affects human health.
Coonatura’s actions, whether through agroecological production or environmental protests, such as pedaling, contributed to an example of transformation in the mentality of those who had access to its food-free movement and its manifestations in defense of environmental changes. The Coonatura movement was involved with other groups that sought to implement alternative technologies such as solar heaters, fruit dryers using solar energy, mini-hydroelectric power plants, among others. The intention of the cooperative was to set an example that we could live well without negatively impacting the
environment we are part of.
The main values of Coonatura and, later, of the PTA were centered on the agricultural field, however, their actions also extended to other environmental issues, as mentioned above.
Coonatura’s initial agroecological movement created connections with other groups and founded, in 1994, the first fair of organic products in Rio de Janeiro, located in a central region, in the district of Glória. In 2010 the fair became part of the city’s of Organic Fairs Circuit. Another major transformative effect was that, when Coonatura started producing organics on a leased site in the district of Brejal, rural Petrópolis, it encouraged neighboring farmers to carry out an agroecological transition, in which producers started to plant without pesticides and sell their productions together with the cooperative. Currently, the region has become a reference in the production of agroecological and organic food, which has contributed to Petrópolis consolidating itself as the state capital of organic food (State Law nº 8118), which is certainly related to Coonatura’s activities.
Among the actors involved are agronomists, ecologists, students, teachers and many other people from different professions. The actors and their backgrounds are still being researched, but we can say, in advance, that the main actors are part of what we understand as the middle class.
In relation to Coonatura, it is possible to critically point out that the cooperative’s articulation could have been consolidated in a broader way, joining other cooperatives and groups from its own or from other states. However, this view is still too premature to affirm, therefore a deeper investigation is needed, which will be carried out in the course of the research.
The work of the agroecological movement in Rio de Janeiro can, and should, be applicable in other situations. Agro-ecological production can be carried out on small plots of land, in urban or rural areas, on vacant plots of land throughout the cities, and it provides transformations in the political, ecological, technical-productive, sociocultural and economic dimensions. It is possible to form groups and cooperatives for agroecological work in search of food sovereignty and environmental change.
The agroecological movement in the early years provided changes by offering the population access to pesticide-free food in the city of Rio de Janeiro. In addition, it influenced and contributed to the agroecological transition of producers in the rural area of Petrópolis, initiating the changes that, a few years later, made the city the Official Capital of Organics.
Siri Ranung
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
The phenomenon ‘Dumpster diving’ is occurring all over the world where people use webpages and Facebook groups to inspire new people and to gather people who dumpster dives in different countries. In Sweden, there are Facebook groups for different areas or big cities where people can show their findings, places to dumpster dive at or just to get to know other people. The two Facebook groups with the most members are in the bigger cities, Stockholm and Gothenburg, both having more than five thousand members, but also one main group which is not location-based with 16 thousand members.
The promoters are the group of citizens who do dumpster diving, in Sweden there are also some influencers doing dumpster diving which could be seen as main promoters. For example, Andreas Jakobsson, who could be seen as the face out for the movement in Sweden, he has written a book about his history of dumpster diving and how it is done but do also blog about his experience of Dumpster diving. Also, there is an Instagram profile “Dumpsterdivan” who shows her findings on her Instagram with over 8 000 followers.
How this initiative engages with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
The initiative can be seen as a mitigation strategy of climate change since the people practicing dumpster diving aims to minimize the waste in the society which are reducing the pressure on the earth’s resources. Furthermore, it is a reaction to the unsustainable consumption of food and production of food waste in society and many dumpster divers, like Andreas Jakobsson aims to inform citizens and stores about the large amount of waste they contribute to (Jakobsson, 2015).
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
Dumpster diving is a protest on the discourse about food, waste and consumption. Where the people who dumpster dive challenge norms in society by avoiding them (Larsson & Rosengren, 2012). Larsson & Rosengren also states that dumpster divers are both conducting an unorganized, individual everyday resistance, but is at the same time a social movement. The main objectives of the movement are to illuminate the problems with a consumption-based society and the large amount of waste which are produced in this kind of society.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
As long as there has been waste, there have been people diving in the trash to find usable things, this early kind of dumpster diving was on the other hand based on the economy of the diver rather than making a statement. The connection to a political movement came in the mid-90s when the freeganism movement started, where people aimed to reduce their contribution to the consumption-based society, this by living on free things, for example society’s waste (Larsson & Rosengren, 2012).
Showing a person dumpster diving in Markham, Toronto, ON, Canada. (Doctorow, 2008) Available at: <https://www.flickr.com/photos/doctorow/2456019463>
Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
The actors involved in this movement is mostly the people doing the dumpster diving, but of course also the people working in food stores and store managers. According to Andreas Jakobsson, the store managers often have a clue if their containers are being dived in. In some cases, the store has had locks on their containers which have been vandalized by dumpster divers, where the store manager has lost their patience and have let the container be open. As Andreas Jakobsson points out, these stores and store managers do not loose on their container being searched, at least if the divers leave the place in a good condition. But one store manager interviewed by Andreas Jakobsson (2015) had problems with the dumpster divers since they kept the bags open, where food from the bags got out in the container. Whereas the company managing the trash got to handle very dirty containers. In this case, the store managers had to forfeit and got a warning from the garbage company which resulted in that the store manager had to close their container.
Result of dumpster diving in Linköping, Sweden. (Quispiam, 2014) Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Dumpster_diving_Linkoping.jpg
Which limits (institutional, physical, social, etc.) does it encounter?
The laws related to dumpster diving is discussed in many articles, since the activity is challenging the social norms, there are many people questioning the legality of diving in others garbage. There are no laws directly limiting people to dumpster dive since it is not illegal to take other people’s garbage. But on the other hand, there are other laws which may be broken. For example, if the dumpster diver does harm on the container or if the container is locked or in an enclosure and the person break the lock or go in this enclosure. Another law that can be applied on dumpster diving is littering, since store owners often see that the divers do not clean up when they are done (Jakobsson, 2015).
There are also social limits for dumpster divers, where people not familiar with the concept may be skeptical to people going through others garbage. Often this skepticism comes from unawareness of the condition of the food and things that is in the garbage and they may be surprised when they become enlightened of the situation. This skepticism is something Andreas Jakobsson writes about in his book ‘Svinnlandet’ (2015) both for people in his vicinity but also himself before he started dumpster diving.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
Except for the discussion about the legality and the skepticism of dumpster diving, there is also need for a discussion of class regarding this phenomenon. Many of the articles which have been gone through have been interviewing people in the upper middle-class areas of Stockholm, and there are many people dumpster diving who do not do it for the economic benefit it comes with, but do it more as an environmental act. This shows the altruistic dilemma which comes with the activity of dumpster diving, that people who are not in need for free food go through these containers with food that could benefit people in vulnerable groups in society who would actually need free food for their survival. Jakobsson (2015) points out this problem where the people dumpster diving has a good economy and safety net and people in vulnerable groups such as immigrants, addicts or homeless do not. One solution for this gap could be to introduce these people to the activity, or by give this free food to people who are in more need of it. This is done to some degree by the initiative called “Food sharing Stockholm” a Facebook page who are holding events where they share food that is collected from restaurants and stores, even though they do not only restrict this sharing to people in need, but everyone is welcome to collect food from this event. One shortcoming with this initiative is that it is located in an area where people in the middle class mostly live, and not people with limited economy.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
Since dumpster diving is a broad phenomenon happening all over the world, it is applicable to many other settings. One thing that could be further applied in this activity is to make sure that the people who would benefit from the free food would access it, for example by having events like Food sharing Stockholm have, but in locations where people who are in need of it are located.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements, long-term sustainability, or community preparedness, etc.)? If yes, which?
The concept of dumpster diving has not yet affected more than on an individual level, even though the phenomenon has enlightened the problem of food waste and that more people have been given awareness of how much food is wasted every day. Especially since the official statistics of food waste in Sweden have been excluding many aspects of food waste in retail, resulting in statistics where food stores seem to have much less waste than they actually do.
References
Dumpsterdivan [@dumpsterdivan]. (n.d.). Posts [Instagram profile]. Instagram.
Jakobsson, Andreas. 2015. Svinnlandet – Min resa genom en värld av slöseri – och hur den gav mig ett liv i överflöd. Offside Press.
Larsson & Rosengren. 2012. Vad blir det för mat idag? – En kvalitativ studie om dumpstring. Högskolan Halmstad. Bachelor thesis. Available at: <https://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:532369/FULLTEXT01.pdf>
Emile Lemaitre
As a response to insufficient climate action from national and international governance levels, grassroot initiatives are emerging to address the climate crisis. Most Swedish politicians acknowledge the necessity to act, but the actions and strategies are not aligned to the magnitude of what has started, and what lays ahead. In 2018, Greta Thunberg began her weekly school strikes for the climate (Skolstrejk för klimatet) outside the Swedish parliament demanding the government to reduce emissions in accordance with the Paris Agreement (Fridays for Future, 2020). The movement rise with Friday’s for Future, and during the global climate strikes in September 2019 around 4500 strikes spanned over 150 countries across the world (Milman, 2019).
Simultaneously as children strike for their future, students are organizing sustainability and climate networks at universities, from Stockholm School of Economics’ SSE Students for Climate Action, Karolinska Institute’s Klimatföreningen, to Royal Institute of Technology’s KTH Students for Sustainability. Universities are role models for society where knowledge and science for sustainable development flourish, but their internal work to reduce carbon emissions lack behind. In 2019, the engineering school of Stockholm, KTH Royal Institute of Technology, was ranked as one of the top ten leading universities regarding the United Nations’ Sustainability Development Goals (SDGs). For SDG 9, Industry, innovation, and infrastructure, the university ranked in 3rd place. But in the eyes of students the simple waste infrastructure at the main KTH campus on Valhallavägen has sometimes, quite honestly, been horrible (see figure 2). Regarding SDG 13, Climate action, KTH is ranked 9th (Gummeson, 2019) and the university has recently set ambitious climate goals. Until 2022, KTH aims to become climate neutral regarding their scope 1 emissions and by 2025 regarding their scope 2 emissions (KTH, 2019). Nevertheless, it stays unclear whether universities such as KTH, or stakeholders at all levels, from governments to enterprises, understand the real urgency and magnitude of the climate issue, and the required magnitude of necessary actions.
At KTH, students have since 2018 organized KTH Students for Sustainability (SforS) (SforS, 2020a). The group states that their purpose is “to bring people together, to empower KTH students engaging with sustainability issues and to create an environment of collaboration among sustainability initiatives. We work in unison with Klimatstudenterna KTH”. SforS raises climate and environmental awareness amongst students, mobilizes KTH students for climate strikes and pressures KTH to lead the way in sustainability, climate action, and to really “practice what they preach” (KTH Students for sustainability, 2020; Nießner, 2020a; KTH Students for sustainability, n.d.). The organization is so far based on KTH’s main Campus Valhallavägen in central Stockholm, but initiatives have existed to expand to KTH’s other campuses in Kista, Solna, Flemingsberg, and Södertälje (Nießner, 2020a). Currently, the organization has around 15 active members consisting of the board and the teams. Additionally, roughly 50-60 passive members either want to become active or are only interested to stay updated on what is going on (Nießner, 2020b).
SforS works in three main ways: by encouraging collaboration, educating students on sustainability topics, and conducting own initiatives and projects. The organization collaborates closely with Klimatstudenterna KTH (KTH Climate Students) and it is sometimes impossible to distinct where to draw the line between the two organizations at KTH (Nießner, 2020a). SforS consists of five main teams: collaboration, celebration, campus, climate, and communication. The Student Sustainability Forum nurtures ideas and solutions through collaboration with various stakeholders and students with diverse backgrounds by organizing events and workshops. The celebration team aims to build a strong internal community. The campus team strives to make KTH Campus more sustainable and the communication team promotes events, raises awareness, and supports the other teams. The climate team promotes climate action, organizes lectures, and raises awareness (Nießner, 2020c).
Essentially, Klimatstudenterna KTH is representing the climate team (Nießner, 2020a; SforS, 2020d). Klimatstudenterna is a student movement with local groups across primarily Swedish universities that aims to bend emissions to stay below 1.5 °C average global warming (Klimatstudenterna, n.d.). SforS in contrast are larger in their scope and works with sustainability in general, with a focus on environmental issues and solutions. Nevertheless, climate change remains a center of attention for the organization. Work is conducted that tackle the issue both directly and indirectly through other sustainability projects (Nießner, 2020a).
One of SforS’ biggest tangible achievements is improving the waste management on Campus Valhallavägen. Students realised the campus is not as sustainable as they thought, and they were disappointed by the improper waste sorting. By collecting a petition of 470 student signatures and collaborating with the KTH Sustainability Office and the KTH Library, a test run has been implemented in the library with 9 different sorting bins (see figure 2 and 3 for comparison). The aim is to enlarge waste sorting to become the new status-quo on campus (SforS, 2020c).
It is a fact that students drink a lot of coffee, and unfortunately this generates waste. To tackle this problem and encourage a circular economy, SforS has implemented reusable coffee cups together with Loop-it, the Swedish Environmental Research Institute (IVL), and three restaurants and cafés on Campus (see figure 4) (SforS, 2020c; Loop-it, 2020). The reuse infrastructure is implemented, but cafés were forced to close during the COVID-19 epidemic in spring 2020, and currently only a few are using it. Thus, it is a success but requires more progress and promotion, which SforS is currently working on (Nießner, 2020a).
With Klimatstudenterna KTH, SforS have organized KTH students for several climate strikes and by these raised public awareness on the climate crisis. The biggest gathering occurred on the 27th of September 2019, where more than 500 KTH students came together to join the global climate strike (see figure 1) (SforS, 2020d).
Moreover, SforS have had some collaborative workshops internally on Campus with the student chapters. The Student Sustainability Forum is planning to collectively with all chapters develop a sustainability policy for the chapters. The campus team aims to “reduce the environmental impact of food consumed at KTH” and propose KTH to set plant-based food as the default option, while still keeping animal based food as an option (SforS, 2020e). The campus team is working on creating a smart map for KTH, similar to Smarta Kartan in Gothenburg. According to SforS “this map will collate all the relevant sharing-projects and activities on campus as well as around our neighborhoods and provide students with useful information about where and how they can find shared resources easily” (Göteborgs Stad, n.d.; Nießner, 2019; SforS, 2020f). Furthermore, the organization is providing and collecting useful information to students on their website on waste reduction, as where to rescue food in Stockholm; secondhand goods; and traveling, with maps on biking pump stations in Stockholm and a sustainable travel guide (SforS, 2020g).
KTH Sustainability Office works with integrating environmental concerns and sustainable development in KTH’s education, research, and cooperation. They are responsible for environmental sustainability on Campus and KTH’s environmental management system (KTH, 2020). One of SforS’s key tasks is to collaborate, attend meetings, and give input to the office to improve the sustainability work on Campus (Nießner, 2020a). In return KTH Sustainability Office helps finance certain projects for SforS (Nießner, 2020c). The organization work as a node between the students and the KTH Sustainability Office. In an interview with SforS’s current president Silvio Nießner (2020a) he mentions his personal view on KTH Sustainability Office and their collaboration. He pinpoints that at most universities there are one, maximum two persons that does not even work full time with sustainability. At KTH Sustainability Office, there are 10 people (where at least some) work full time with it – this is unique (Nießner, 2020a; KTH Sustainability Office, 2020). Additionally, he explains how the office welcomes everyone for discussion, from professors and researchers, to students and staff (Nießner, 2020a).
In the interview with Silvio (2020a), he mentioned how it is sometimes hard for SforS to ensure constant communication with the office so that “we know what they do, and they know what we do”. This is partly because all active members work with the organization aside of their university studies and must balance time and effort with school and other activities (Nießner, 2020c). Currently, the office does not use any communicational platform or social media channels; he explains that “if they do good stuff, they cannot show it”. Thus, they rely on SforS to show progress to the students (Nießner, 2020a). By attending meetings with the office on KTH’s strategic sustainability goals, Silvio (2020a) describes how the discussions were often based on negotiations rather than scientific evidence.
While observing actions taken today Silvio thinks more will be needed by KTH and other universities in order to be aligned with the 1.5 °C target. In Germany, Fridays for Future has demanded a study on what practical actions are required right now to stay below the threshold. Similar studies could guide KTH, other universities, and governments. Nevertheless, firstly, science-based targets must be set that are aligned with the 1.5 °C target. Secondly, he thinks that KTH should focus on reducing staff’s flight emissions. Students representing Klimatstudenterna from four universities in Stockholm, including Björn Nordin from KTH recently published a debate article in the sustainability news journal Aktuell Hållbarhet (in English; “Topical Sustainability”) demanding universities to reduce their flight travels. Carbon budgets, which encourage alternatives to flying are already used by some working groups at KTH but is not generally implemented throughout the university (Nießner, 2020a).
While SforS’s focus stays at KTH, the organization does together with Klimatstudenterna KTH have external contact with other local Klimatstudenterna associations throughout Swedish universities, from Malmö University and Lund University in the south to Uppsala University, and Luleå University of Technology in the north (to name a few) (Nießner, 2020a; Klimatstudenterna, n.d.). In Stockholm, SforS are in contact with local university student associations that work with climate and sustainability. Many ideas for collaboration projects exist such as creating a Stockholm sustainability guide (Nießner, 2020a).
Silvio (2020a) believes that SforS’s main strength is that they practically manage the organization. They have a basic setting, some funding for projects, and an office place. They are recognized by KTH and asked for their input on sustainability. The organization’s biggest current challenge is that they are understaffed, and this restrict them to develop and expand projects (ibid.). As abovementioned, the organization currently has around 15 active members spread throughout the board and the different teams (Nießner, 2020b). As for many organizations, the current epidemic does not make it easier to recruit people, neither to engage people online. “Maybe we do it wrong” he says pinpointing that it as a challenge. Furthermore, since the organization mostly consist of international students’, members usually stay no longer than two years. As Silvio (2020a) explains “you need half a year to on-board them, they work half a year, and then they hand over half a year. Basically, you are always in the process of handing over and never getting into the working stuff.”
While asking Silvio (2020a) on politics and SforS he replies that he do think the organization takes a political stance. “We support Fridays for Future; we are also going on the street to protest.” When it comes to tendencies of left or right-side politics, he tells me that “we are politically independent and do not accept any form of discrimination or racism”, (Nießner, 2020c) “we are mostly international students that are not active in Swedish politics”. To summarize, he explains, “we are fighting for a purpose, and with that purpose comes a political direction, not a political party, but a direction”.
Climate activists and some journals such as The Guardian have started to incorporate alternative terms to climate change such as ‘climate breakdown’ and ‘climate crisis’ to highlight the urgency and importance of the issue (The Guardian, 2019; Extinction Rebellion, 2020; Fridays for Future, 2020). In contrast, according to Silvio (2020a) the tendency of SforS is towards a positive approach and to be solution oriented. This is something he has noticed while designing the signs for the climate strikes.
He describes the importance of “not getting captured in the loop of what is the problem and we have so many problems but what could be a way out of that?”.
To summarize, multiple stakeholders on different spatial and temporal levels benefit from SforS’s work while some might also indirectly lose. Silvio (2020a) mention how the organization’s activities are linked to consumption and travel, and this is always a trade-off. This consumption is linked to the current configuration of the economy, and indirectly, people and planet gets negatively affected. Nevertheless, the organization has almost certainly a net positive impact. For KTH they are practically a free workforce, and visual effects are already emerging on Campus Valhallavägen. By bringing people together they have built a forum for sustainability interested students. The organization raises awareness and encourage students to take environmental action through different events, workshops and lectures and drive students toward more sustainable practices. As Silvio says, they have been able to create a sense of community for the people of the organization and say “hey, there are other mindlike people who care as well!”.
KTH and other Swedish universities are role models for Sweden, and SforS steer KTH a step in the right direction. Subsequently, Sweden is internationally a role model for sustainable development and in 2020, the country ranked at 8th place in the Environmental Performance Index (To put things in perspective, WWF’s Living Planet Report 2016 concluded that if the world followed an average Swedish lifestyle with its related ecological footprint, we would require 4.2 globes (von Zeipel, 2016))
Collectively, the youth, the striking school children, and university students abroad and in Sweden such as Stockholm School of Economics’ SSE Students for Climate Action, Karolinska Institute’s Klimatföreningen, and KTH Students for Sustainability are rising. They demand their universities to lead the way and to practice what they preach (Klimatstudenterna KTH, n.d.). The young generation are the future lawyers, engineers, and politicians. But we know well that the future cannot wait and that the climate crisis requires action now. So, while sea levels are rising so are we students.
Contact KTH Students for Sustainability
References
Environmental Performance Index, 2020. 2020 EPI Results. Available at: https://epi.yale.edu/epi- results/2020/component/epi [Accessed 2020-11-08].
Extinction Rebellion, 2020. Tell the truth. Available at: https://extinctionrebellion.uk/the-truth/ [Accessed 2020-11-08].
Fridays for Future, 2020. [Home page]. Available at: https://fridaysforfuture.org/ [Accessed 2020-11-08].
Gummeson, Christer, 2019. KTH ranked near top in impact on sustainability. April 3, KTH. Available at: https://www.kth.se/en/aktuellt/nyheter/kth-ranked-near-top-in-impact-on-sustainability-1.893625 [Accessed 2020-11-07].
Göteborgs Stad, n.d. Smarta Kartan. Available at: https://goteborg.se/wps/portal/start/miljo/det-gor- goteborgs-stad/dela-och-lana/smarta-kartan?uri=gbglnk%3A201791694216985 [Accessed 2020-11-07].
KF – Klimatföreningen, 2020. [Official Facebook group]. Available at: https://www.facebook.com/klimatforeningenpakarolinskainstitutet/ [Accessed 2020-11-07].
Klimatstudenterna, n.d. Gå med lokalt. Available at: https://klimatstudenterna.se/ga-med/ [Accessed 2020-11- 07].
Klimatstudenterna, n.d. #levsomnilär. Available at: https://klimatstudenterna.se/ [Accessed 2020-11-07].
KTH, 2020. KTH Sustainability Office. Available at: https://www.kth.se/en/om/miljo-hallbar- utveckling/kontakt/kth-sustainability-office-1.424825 [Accessed 2020-11-07].
KTH, 2019. Overall objectives and measures for KTH’s implementation of the Climate Framework for Universities. Available at: https://www.kth.se/en/om/miljo-hallbar-utveckling/klimatramverk/kth-s-klimatmal- 1.926003
KTH Students for Sustainability, 2020a. [Official Facebook group]. Available at: https://www.facebook.com/KTHSforS/?ref=page_internal [Accessed 2020-11-07].
KTH Students for Sustainability, 2020b. Our Teams. Available at: https://sites.google.com/view/kthsfors/sfors- teams [Accessed 2020-11-07].
KTH Students for Sustainability, 2020c. Waste. Available at: https://sites.google.com/view/kthsfors/sfors- teams/campus/waste [Accessed 2020-11-07].
KTH Students for Sustainability, 2020d. Klimatstudenterna KTH. Available at: https://sites.google.com/view/kthsfors/sfors-teams/climate/klimatstudenterna [Accessed 2020-11-08].
KTH Students for Sustainability, 2020e. Sustainable Food. Available at: https://sites.google.com/view/kthsfors/sfors-teams/campus/sustainable-food [Accessed 2020-11-08].
KTH Students for Sustainability, 2020f. Resource Sharing. Available at: https://sites.google.com/view/kthsfors/sfors-teams/campus/resource-sharing [Accessed 2020-11-07].
KTH Students for Sustainability, 2020g. New at KTH. Available at: https://sites.google.com/view/kthsfors/new- at-kth [Accessed 2020-11-07].
loop-it, 2020. ett bättre sätt att konsumera take-away. Available at: https://loop-it.se/ [Accessed 2020-11-07].
Milman, Oliver. 2019. US to stage its largest ever climate strike: ‘Somebody must sound the alarm’. 20 September, The Guardian.
Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/sep/20/climate-strikes-us-students-greta-thunberg [Accessed 2020-11-07].
Nießner, Silvio, 2020a. [Interview by videotelephony (Zoom)]. October 15. Nießner, Silvio, 2020c. [Personal communication by email]. November 8. Nießner, Silvio. 2020b. [Personal communication by chat (Signal)]. November 8.
Nordin, Björn; Bane, Jonas; Swartling, Sandra & Andersson, Klas from Klimatstudenterna, 2020. Stockholmsstudenter kräver färre flygresor på högskolorna. October 23, Aktuell Hållbarhet. Available at: https://www.aktuellhallbarhet.se/alla-nyheter/debatt/stockholmsstudenter-kraver-farre-flygresor-pa- hogskolorna/ [Accessed 2020-11-08].
SSSCA – SSE Students for Climate Action. [Official Facebook group], 2020. Available at: https://www.facebook.com/SSEStudentsforClimateAction/ [Accessed 2020-11-07].
The Guardian, 31 July 2019. The Guardian view on climate breakdown: an emergency for all, but especially the poor. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/jul/31/the-guardian-view-on-climate- breakdown-an-emergency-for-all-but-especially-the-poor [Accessed 2020-11-08].
von Zeipel, Marie, 2016. Living Planet Report 2016: Två tredjedelar av planetens ryggradsdjur riskerar att försvinna till 2020. October 27. Available at: https://www.mynewsdesk.com/se/varldsnaturfonden_wwf/pressreleases/living-planet-report-2016-tvaa- tredjedelar-av-planetens-ryggradsdjur-riskerar-att-foersvinna-till-2020-1625490 [Accessed 2020-11-08].
Figures
Figure 1. KTH students on Campus preparing to join the Global Climate Strike. From KTH Innovation, September 27, 2019. Reprinted with permission by Lisa Bäckman at KTH Innovation. Available at: https://www.facebook.com/events/2921515534544573/?active_tab=discussion
Figure 2. Waste handling in the library before implementation. From KTH Students for Sustainability, 2018. Reprinted with permission by SforS (Silvio Nießner). Available at: https://sites.google.com/view/kthsfors/sfors- teams/campus/waste [Accessed 2020-11-07].
Figure 3. New sorting modules in the library. From KTH Students for Sustainability, Mars 2020. Reprinted with permission by SforS (Silvio Nießner). Available at: https://sites.google.com/view/kthsfors/sfors- teams/campus/waste [Accessed 2020-11-07].
Figure 4. How the reusable cup system works. From loop-it, n.d. Reprinted with permission by loop-it. Available at: https://sites.google.com/view/kthsfors/sfors-teams/campus/waste [Accessed 2020-11-07].
Olga Rouchouze
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
The Chronovélo project is a new network of bicycle paths structuring the Grenoble metropolitan area by linking 11 communes to the city center of Grenoble, a city located in the southeast of France. This large-scale project brings together the entire Grenoble conurbation (cities and towns), called the Métropole, and was initiated by the Grenoble municipality in 2016 and more specifically by its mayor Eric Piolle (from Europe Ecology – The Greens party). The development of this extensive network of bicycle paths will benefit all citizens using their bicycles (whether for leisure, work, or as a simple means of transport), as it will facilitate their itineraries, improve their safety, and also encourage novices to consider the bicycle as a valuable and obvious alternative to the private car. In the longer term, the development of the Chronovélo network will prove beneficial to all the inhabitants of the Grenoble valley. Indeed, air pollution, a worrying problem in the valley, and CO2 emissions will be significantly reduced if the objectives for the use of bicycle paths are met.
How this initiative engages with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
Transportation is the sector of activity that contributes the most to France’s greenhouse gas emissions: in 2017, transportation accounts for 30% (no less than 134 Mt CO2 eq) of French emissions, an increase in the sector’s emissions of 13% compared to 1990. This share of emissions is mainly due to the movement of people by private car (32.5 million vehicles in France). The private car is thus responsible for 53% of the transport sector’s emissions, which corresponds to 16% of all national emissions. Transportation therefore appears to be a sector with high stakes that needs to be reformed as part of the fight against global warming.
In the Alps, the mountainous massif surrounding the city of Grenoble, global warming is twice as fast, and its consequences are twice as marked as in the rest of France. In this context, Grenoble was the first French local authority to set up a Climate Plan in 2005 with a view to combating climate change and limiting its immediate effects on the population and the environment. Grenoble is a city embedded between 3 mountain ranges, which limits its urban sprawl. As a result, it is a city with a high population density (3rd densest city in France outside the Ile-de-France region with 8,861 inhabitants per km²), and the metropolis has been forced to establish a mobility and urban travel plan. The mobility plan policy aims to optimize travel, reduce the use of private cars in favor of alternative modes of travel (public transportation, carpooling, cycling, etc.) in order to improve air quality (pollution and fine particles overall), reduce noise pollution, and reduce transport-related CO2 emissions. But Grenoble is also the flattest city in France, which is an asset when it comes to cycling. It’s in this privileged environment that the Chronovélo project is part of a strategy to mitigate climate change by limiting the sources of greenhouse gases.
A citizen who takes his or her bike to work from home, 8 km on average in the Grenoble metropolis, 320 days a year, avoids the emission of 0.6 tons of CO2 into the air, the equivalent of a one-way plane trip to New York for a single passenger. If only 10% of all city trips in the world were made by bicycle, CO2 emissions from transportation would be reduced by 7%, a not insignificant reduction in greenhouse gases when you consider the urgency of the situation.
A bike rented from the Metrovélo on one of Chronovélo’s traffic routes, the bike paths are distinguished by their important visual markings (to warn of directions, intersections, crosswalks) and by their width: 4m here (to be able to overtake safely).
Photo credit: Grenoble-Alpes Métropole https://www.grenoblealpesmetropole.fr/actualite/306/104-chronovelo-un-nouvel-itineraire-entre-meylan-et-grenoble.htm
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
The city of Grenoble and the Grenoble-Alpes Métropole, both carriers of the Chronovélo project, have set the ambitious goal of reducing fine particles in the air by 40% and greenhouse gas emissions by 50% by 2022. The two institutions hope to achieve these goals by making cycling an integral part of the Grenoble inhabitants’ lifestyle by “transforming occasional practices into daily habits to triple the modal share of cycling by 2022,” says Christophe Ferrari, President of Grenoble-Alpes Métropole (interview with Sébastien Marrec for Gre.mag, May 2020). As for the values behind the Chronovélo project, the Metropolis says it wants to make bicycles accessible to all, and in particular to develop their use in the city’s working-class neighborhoods in order to initiate good ecological practices and already start raising awareness among future generations. According to a study by CEREMA (Center for Study and Expertise on Risks, the Environment, Mobility and Development in English), two-thirds of trips in urban areas are less than 3 km long and 60% of trips between 1 and 3 km are made by car. The mayor of Grenoble, Éric Piolle, personally maintains that the bicycle as a means of daily transportation has only advantages: “A non-negligible time saving, less exposure to pollution compared to a trip by car or even on foot, daily physical activity, cheaper because there is no insurance or fuel, there are only positive benefits, and that’s what makes the bicycle an excellent alternative and a serious competitor to the private car, while remaining a means of travel that complements public transit. “he said in 2019.
The objectives of Chronovélo are to democratize, facilitate, encourage and secure cycling in all circumstances (Chronovélo report by Grenoble-Alpes Métropole, 2018). To achieve this, Chronovélo offers cyclists direct, long-distance routes linking the communes of neighboring valleys to the city center, thereby optimizing travel times. The Chronovélo bicycle network thus includes more than 350 km of comfortable bicycle paths (separated from the roadway from motorized transport and sidewalks, bicycle paths up to 4 m wide) and secured by very important visual road markings (including direction indications, color coding, road intersection and crosswalk signs). Chronovélo has also inaugurated less than 12,000 secure parking spaces for bicycles and some 50 service areas dedicated to bicycles throughout the network (including a map of the bicycle network, a rest area, a bicycle pump). To attract a new public (seniors, families with young children), the municipality has bet on the 30km/h speed limit that will be generalized on more than 80% of the traffic lanes since 2017. This project directly gave birth to the Métrovélo service: an agency offering 7,000 bicycles for rent (long and short term, subscriptions available) and which takes care of the maintenance and repair of its bike fleet, as well as personal bikes. The city has also built 4 park-and-ride facilities at the entrance to the city for people who live too far away but work in Grenoble to come exclusively by bike to facilitate intermodality between individual transportation, public transportation and cycling. Regular maintenance of the cycling facilities is carried out by the Métropole’s staff.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
In 2014, when Mayor Eric Piolle was elected mayor, the city of Grenoble already had bicycle lanes, on the roadway shared with other motorized vehicles. This arrangement was poorly adapted to intensive and popular use, and above all reserved exclusively for the inhabitants of Grenoble itself, as the city was not easily accessible to neighboring municipalities by bicycle. It is in this context that the Chronovélo project was born in 2016 and has been in the development phase since 2014. The development work is spread over 4 years and should be completed by 2020 with the full commissioning of the network, which includes 350km of cycle paths throughout the Grenoble metropolis.
In France, in 2017, 1.9% of the working population will cycle to work. In the Grenoble metropolitan area, the rate is 5%, and in Grenoble itself it is no less than 15.2%, a score that now makes Grenoble the second-biggest city in France for commuting by bike. In 2014, cycling in Grenoble was far from reaching such a large proportion of the population, since at the time only 7% of home-to-work trips were made by bike. In the Grenoble metropolitan area, nearly 70,000 daily cycle journeys will be recorded in 2019 thanks to meters placed along the Chronovélo cycle paths. Cycling trips increased by 30% between 2018 and 2019, the year corresponding to the inauguration of a major section of the Chronovélo network linking four additional municipalities to downtown Grenoble. The positive effects of Chronovélo on the population are therefore directly visible, over the last 3 years at least. Other measures such as the 50% reimbursement of bicycle rental costs by employers must have contributed to the rapid development of cycling among the population. Through its measures taken on transportation, the city of Grenoble (3rd densest city in France) proves that the reduction of road traffic can be decoupled from population growth. As for CO2 emissions, the city estimates that it has already reduced them by 25% between 2005 and 2017, thus getting closer to the announced objective of a 50% reduction by 2030, a stricter regulation than that imposed by the government at the national level.
Map of cycling routes (320 km) linking the 3 neighboring valleys and the 11 communes.
Plan from Grenoble-Alpes Métropole
Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
Chronovélo brings together the city of Grenoble and several neighboring municipalities in the 3 valleys surrounding Grenoble. To carry out such a project, a dialogue was established between several institutions. First, the municipality of Grenoble, which is at the origin of this project, and the Métropole Grenoble-Alpes, has managed to bring together different actors to collaborate and achieve Chronovélo. The following are therefore involved as Chronovélo actors: the joint union for public transportation (SMTC in French), which organizes the mobilities of the Grenoble metropolis, the Métrovélo agency, which offers bike rentals for everyone, and the municipalities of the neighboring communes concerned to plan urban development and the development of “soft mobilities” throughout the region. The main actors are therefore administrative institutions (executive or legislative), but we must not forget the users of the Chronovélo network: they are regularly consulted for their opinions and feedback on the infrastructures made available, on the state of the network, on new developments and on possible improvements to be made to perfect the Chronovélo result. As users are all invited to respond to public surveys or are drawn at random for consultation at project meetings, they come from diverse and varied social backgrounds and no one profile is favored. Accessibility is also one of the important points, underlined by Eric Piolle as crucial for integrating the entire population of the agglomeration without excluding the popular districts of the city from cycling.
Which limits (institutional, physical, social, etc.) does it encounter?
As this project was initiated by municipalities, there is almost no institutional restraint. The main obstacle is to be found among the citizens of the Grenoble metropolis, who still appreciate the selfish comfort of the individual car. The Chronovélo project is intended to be accessible to all citizens, regardless of their social background. However, it will be necessary to go through a phase of raising awareness about cycling to really attract new users, as is already being done in some of the city’s working-class neighborhoods. There is also an urgent need for work on the enforcement of the traffic regulations code and on the sharing of the road among cyclists: they are users who can ride at the same speed as motorized vehicles in city centers, and their cohabitation with pedestrians and scooters is not yet rooted in the habits and mentalities of cyclists. Nor should it be forgotten that cyclists remain vulnerable road users, with relatively little protection from cars, buses and streetcars.
A service area on the Chronovélo network, which includes a map of the bicycle network, a bicycle pump and a bench to rest on.
Photo credit: Sébastien Marrec
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
On the other hand, not all citizens can ride a bicycle. Person with reduced mobility and disabled citizens do not have access to this mode of transportation. To compensate for this shortcoming, the SMTC (joint union for public transportation) has made it mandatory to make all public transit systems accessible to wheelchairs, walkers and blind people. They have also decided to set up shuttles available on request to carry out complex journeys for people with disabilities (connections between buses, streetcars, poorly served neighborhoods, etc.).
One of the critical points frequently raised by citizens opposed to the Chronovélo project is the drop in traffic in the downtown area. In fact, the downtown cycling facilities have drastically reduced car traffic and merchants complain that their clientele has almost halved since the start of the development work. The decline in commercial attractiveness in the city center is worrying some people because it could gradually kill off independent shops in favor of the large supermarkets on the outskirts of the city.
Another problem concerning the Chronovélo project that deserves to be raised concerns excessive overurbanization under concrete. Numerous routes have been laid out and paved since 2016 in Grenoble and its surroundings, and the massive overbuilding is altering the absorption capacity of the soil, thus increasing flooding and also harming biodiversity, making the ecosystems of the Alps fragile, despite the fact that they are vulnerable to the accelerated global warming they are undergoing. Moreover, overurbanization leads to a reduction in the share of nature (vegetation and soils) which act as carbon sinks, absorbing large quantities of CO2, an indispensable asset for improving air quality in urban areas.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
Grenoble has just been awarded the title of European Green Capital for 2022, a distinction that shows its commitment to fighting global warming and wishes to highlight its ecological initiatives by setting an example and inspiring other cities to invest in an ecological and sustainable policy. The Chronovélo project is specific to Grenoble (flat city, dense population…) but some initiatives and ideas can be transposed to other urban settings, while considering the specificities of each environment. Investment and public awareness are also struggling to be adopted and implemented because it is the citizens who elect and choose policies on a larger scale.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements, long-term sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)? If yes, which?
The development of the Chronovélo project throughout the metropolis has led to effective measures to support cycling and the use of public transportation: monthly season tickets (public transportation, bicycle) are 50% paid for by employers (or even up to 100% in some companies), and the same goes for carpooling services, which are now 100% paid for. Another emblematic measure is the traffic speed, which has been increased to 30km/h in the city.
On a broader scale, the “Loi des Mobilités Orientées” (law of oriented mobility in English), passed in 2019, aims to increase the proportion of trips by bicycle from 3% to 9%, by increasing intermodality between different means of transportation (bicycles allowed on trains, buses, light rail, etc.), by offering a sustainable mobility bonus (up to €400 per year), by introducing symbolic recognition of the right to active mobility, and by providing a generalized bicycle learning program starting in middle school.
Changing the habits of citizens is, in the long term, what will be most conducive to changing mentalities over the generations. Raising public awareness of issues such as “soft mobility” means that mentalities are changing, and that citizens are more sensitive and inclined to ecology and environmental protection approaches.
Documents used:
Plan Climat Air Energie Métropolitain 2020 – 2030 (Metropolitan Air Energy Climate Plan in English), Grenoble-Alpes Métropole, February 2020
Plan de déplacements et de mobilité urbaine 2030 (Transportation and Urban Mobility Plan 2030 in English), SMTC, November 2019
Rapport du projet Chronovélo (Chronovélo Project report in English), Grenoble-Alpes Métropole & Ville de Grenoble, December 2018
Visited sites:
Ministère de la Transition Ecologique et Solidaire – MTES (Ministry of Ecological and Solidarity Transition in English): https://www.ecologie.gouv.fr/
Agence de l’environnement et de la maîtrise de l’énergie – ADEME (Agency for Environment and Energy Management in English): https://www.ademe.fr/
Centre interprofessionnel technique d’études de la pollution atmosphérique – CITEPA (Interprofessional Technical Centre for Air Pollution Studies in English): https://www.citepa.org/fr/
Aditya Singh
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
Biome Environmental Trust is a non-profit organization led by Vishwanath Srikantaiah (a water conservation expert), which launched the ‘A Million Wells for Bengaluru’ movement in the city of Bengaluru, Karnataka, India. This movement aims to have one million functioning open recharge wells in the city, allowing the recharge of aquifers and raising the underground water table.
A majority of the water requirements of Bengaluru are currently supplied by the Cauvery River flowing 100km south of the city. Cauvery water is pumped up about 300m (984ft) to reach the city, requiring large amounts of energy. The borewells in the city (although there are no official measures) provide 600-700 million litres of groundwater, making up about 35- 40% of the city’s water requirement.
Historically, open and shallow recharge wells (presently, only about 20,000 to 30,000) that access higher aquifers were the providers of water to the citizens. However, they have now slowly been replaced by borewells (presently, about 500,000), which are narrow boreholes that exploit and drain the lower aquifers (now gone down to about 1,800 feet).
In terms of rainfall, only about 3-10% of the city’s rains percolates into underground aquifers naturally based on hydrological patterns. However, land begins to ‘crust’ upon urban development and construction, bringing down the percolation to 0-1%. Precious rainwater flows down buildings and tarred roads as surface run-off, choking sewers and inundating low-lying areas (leading to urban flooding). Moreover, these problems have worsened over several decades due to climate change.
‘A Million Wells for Bengaluru’ aims to provide a solution to these problems, and in the process, secure livelihoods for the ‘Mannu Vaddars,’ a local well-digging community native to the region. The overall percolation rate of rainwater can be increased (up to 50-60%) using open recharge wells. Vishwanath calculates that 1 million wells will be enough to solve issues of water shortage in the city. If even a portion of the 3.5 million litres that falls onto each acre of land in the city as rainfall percolates into the ground, water requirements would be met without supply from the Cauvery River. Additionally, water from open recharge wells is more affordable (around 1% of the price of Cauvery water) than from borewells and the Cauvery, only being pumped up a mere 6m (20ft) to the surface, as opposed to a 100km length and 300m height.
‘A Million Wells for Bengaluru’ has been supported and promoted by native and local communities, institutions, citizen groups, and governmental agencies, given the wide-ranging benefits of the movement that can be observed by all citizens of the city.
Open recharge well in the city
Image courtesy of Mr. Vishwanath Srikantaiah
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both, or other dimensions of climate change?
The movement is directly mitigating the impacts of climate change. Vishwanath explains that rainfall patterns in Bengaluru, like many other cities, have changed dramatically over time with intense showers within short durations, leading to larger volumes of water being dumped over the city very quickly, and in unexpected months.
The Karnataka State Natural Disaster Monitoring Centre (KSNDMC) has set up about 100 weather stations across every other ward in the city. Biome Trust, along with the KSNDMC, has been tracking the change in rainfall patterns due to climate change and has found an increase in the intensity of rainfall from 60mm per hour to about 180mm per hour. Additionally, the pockets of the city that were previously not getting enough rain are getting higher amounts now.
With recharge wells, rainwater can be routed into the shallow aquifers more efficiently, enhancing the groundwater levels gradually by mimicking the natural patterns observed decades ago. The recharge wells capture the high intensity of rainfall instead of allowing it to flood. The collected water then percolates into the ground and recharges aquifers, which are water-bearing formations that exist 10-100 ft underground, and are naturally replenished during rains.
Water from an open well requires 0.1 units of energy for every thousand litres of water supplied, in relation to the 1.5 – 1.8 units from deep bore wells and 2 units for Cauvery water. Therefore, recharge wells provide water that is 20 times more efficient compared to Cauvery water, with their carbon emissions being 20 times less.
Hence, the movement is engaging directly with the climate, responding to the vagaries of rainfall, and mitigating urban flooding, both consequences of climate change. It is recharging the groundwater table and lakes of the city through increased percolation to solve issues of water scarcity. Finally, open wells also reduce energy consumption and carbon emissions in providing water to the city, both important facets of climate change.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
For ease of understanding, the main objectives of this movement could be categorized into social and practical ones. Vishwanath explains that one of the larger social objectives is to provide and secure livelihoods for the well digging Mannu Vaddar community, native to Karnataka. This would allow higher rates of education within the community, giving the future generations the power to decide whether they would want to pursue well digging, or another field of their choosing.
According to Vishwanath, an important social objective is to raise awareness about the presence of open recharge wells in the city, the potential of shallow aquifers to sustain water requirements of the city, and the role of local communities in their revival. Within this, the hope is to build a water culture in the city where local citizens take collective responsibility for managing groundwater through community participation and the mainstreaming of bottom-up and traditional water harvesting practices.
Old stone-lined well recharged with rainwater
Image courtesy of Mr. Vishwanath Srikantaiah
A practical objective of the movement, Vishwanath describes, is to bring up the water table in the city, where open recharge wells (and borewells) would then be able to supplement water requirements. With this, it was also important to ensure the productive use of rainwater and to bring awareness to the importance of rainwater harvesting practices to capture rainwater.
Another practical objective of the movement is to engage with the climate and mitigate the impacts of climate change. As explained previously, through recharging of shallow aquifers, open recharge wells will be able to prevent flooding, reduce energy consumption and carbon emissions, and solve issues of water shortage in the city, by ensuring water security.
Rooftop rainwater recharging a well
Image courtesy of Mr. Vishwanath Srikantaiah
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
Understood as a movement instead of a project, ‘A Million Wells for Bengaluru’ was launched in 2015. As it is providing livelihoods, it does not follow a regular project timeline and is more open-ended in its scope. Since it is not possible to track every well that has come up in the city, there cannot be a definite start time to the larger process, given that well diggers have been digging wells for centuries. One million wells are an aspirational goal that has been set for the city and is not the end goal since the movement should continue to grow with urban growth and rising populations. However, the hope is to reach one million wells by 2025.
There are several instances at an individual, institutional and public level that highlight the visible effects of the increased awareness about the open recharge wells. Institutions have taken the initiative to set up recharge wells themselves. Through the restoration of 4 open recharge wells within the Wheel and Axle Railway Plant campus in the city, the wetlands around the wells were revived. With a variety of birds coming to the wetlands, one can observe larger environmental impacts of engagement with the wells. Most importantly, the wells now provide the plant with 300,000 litres of water, and they no longer require water from the Bangalore Water Supply and Sewerage Board (BWSSB). Similarly, in Cubbon Park, one of Bengaluru’s largest open spaces, defunct open recharge wells on restoration provide 100,000 litres of water to the park.
Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
As per the Memorandum of Understanding signed for the movement, Biome Environmental Trust provides the technical support for it through consultations with architects, civil and mechanical engineers, and urban planners; Friends of Lakes is the implementation partner that organises voluntary community engagements to clean the city’s lakes; India Cares Foundation is the enabler taking care of fundraising. All investments made within this movement are by individuals, institutions, and communities across the city, all crucial actors for the success of the movement.
Vishwanath Srikantaiah (of the Biome Environmental Trust) has been working in the water sector in Bengaluru for 34 years. He has travelled all across the world (to Iran, China, Sri Lanka, Indonesia, Brazil, Chile, Sweden, Finland, Latvia, etc.) to study wells. He explains that large governmental infrastructural projects provide one type of solution for the water shortage, which occurs in the city every 20 years since the 1850s, due to its expansion. The other way is for the local citizens to participate in the solution through community involvement and action.
The Bangalore Water Supply and Sewerage Board (BWSSB) offer policy support to the movement. Vishwanath, who has been a proponent of rooftop rainwater harvesting (RWH), has been working with BWSSB, helping them write the bylaws (based on the rainfall patterns in the city) to make rainwater harvesting compulsory in the region. Water from RWH can be filtered and supplied into open wells, which would then recharge the aquifers, supplementing the piped water supply of the city.
Mannu Vaddars digging a recharge well
Image courtesy of Mr. Vishwanath Srikantaiah
The Mannu Vaddars (a sub-caste of the Bhovi community) have been historically digging tanks, lakes, and wells across the country for over 1000 years. They have traditionally found work given their knowledge of digging and maintaining wells. However, they are now running short of livelihoods since people have started drilling borewells instead of open wells. Biome began seeking out the traditional well diggers that constitute 750 families living in and around the city. Their skills and knowledge of the region’s hydrogeology (aquifers, pre-existing wells, soil types, presence of rocky layers) have been pivotal in achieving the goals for this movement.
Which limits (institutional, physical, social, etc.) does it encounter?
There are a few limitations that the movement encounters. The first social limitation would be the resistance towards understanding the impacts of climate change on the ecosystem. There can also be a lack of responsibility among citizens towards recognizing the importance of rainwater harvesting and open recharge wells as required infrastructure systems.
Topographically, certain areas in the city may not be conducive for recharge wells because of hard layers of rock and clay, creating an ecological limitation in specific locations. Additionally, appropriate mapping techniques like Geographic Information Systems (GIS) and Remote Sensing are required to understand geological features to decide the areas where open wells could be feasible. However, these technologies are not available with civic and administrative agencies, constituting a severe institutional limitation.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
Since the recharge wells utilize bio-mimicry to imitate natural ecological processes, no negative effects have been observed since they are holding the water that would have been held by an un-built site.
One crucial point for the entire movement is that native well-digger communities must be provided with employment opportunities within these projects. It would be antithetical to employ modern technological methods, and people that do not belong to the Mannu Vaddar community for digging wells.
Mannu Vaddars cleaning and desilting a recharge well
Image courtesy of Mr. Vishwanath Srikantaiah
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
The movement can and has been replicated in several other locations based on the specific needs and context of the region. Open wells, if recharged, can provide arsenic- and fluoride- free water to the regions where contaminated water is currently being consumed.
Vishwanath mentions that the aim of the movement is that it should not matter if the Biome Trust is involved in its continuation. Biome does not claim credit for the movement and considers their responsibility to provide an aspirational goal, and to bring awareness, encouraging individuals, communities, and institutions to dig wells within their localities, and share their stories with the Biome Trust, if they wish to do so.
Several cities such as Hyderabad, Belgaum, Sangli, Tiruchirappalli, Chennai, have launched their own movements or similar initiatives. Additionally, The Ministry of Urban Development has been in correspondence with Biome to officially incorporate this movement into the Jal Shakti Program under the Smart Cities Project for 500 cities across the country.
The revival of the shallow aquifer is being replicated – leading to an all-India movement, where the open well, as a representative of the shallow aquifer is reaching every village, town, and city in India.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements, long term sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)? If yes, which?
The movement has highlighted the importance of engaging with local contexts and features, talking to people whose livelihoods depend on the water (farmers, fishers, well-diggers), learning from their experiences, and involving them within the solution. The mainstreaming of this practice leads to better community preparedness for mitigating the effects of the climate crisis.
Individuals, institutions, large and small establishments, gated communities, have all taken up initiatives without the involvement of Biome. The movement has enabled individual citizens and communities to take action, brought larger awareness to how they can be involved within climate change action, which need not necessarily be at an administrative level through large infrastructure projects.
MLAs and Corporators (elected officials) across the city have started planning and making recharge wells in their respective constituencies and zones. The Deputy Chief Minister of Karnataka, C.N. Ashwath Narayan, initiated the digging of 100 recharge wells in the Malleshwaram constituency. The State Horticultural Department has taken this initiative to all the parks in the city including Lalbagh Botanical Gardens, which now has 500 recharge wells. The Bellandur Development Forum has planned to dig 2,500 wells in low-lying areas around Bellandur Lake that get inundated with rainwater during the monsoon.
A crucial part of the movement has been the mandating of climate change action by the government through the rainwater harvesting bylaws, highlighting how sustainable practices could be institutionalized through legislation and policy.
References
Interview conducted with Mr. Vishwanath Srikantaiah
Coushik, R. (2020). The Indian megacity digging a million wells. Retrieved from https://www.bbc.com/future/article/20201006-india-why-bangalore-is-digging-a-million- wells
Gatty, H.R. (2020). Two years, one lakh wells: Can “Million Wells” movement help sove Bengaluru’s water crisis. Retrieved from https://bengaluru.citizenmatters.in/million-recharge-wells-biome- friends-of-lakes-rainwater-harvesting-43978
N.A (2018). Urban Waters Bengaluru: Million Wells. Retrieved from http://bengaluru.urbanwaters.in/million-wells/
Padre, I. (2019). A million wells for Bengaluru. Retrieved from https://www.civilsocietyonline.com/cover-story/a-million-wells-for-bengaluru/
Priya, L. (2019). One Million Wells for Bengalurur: Meet The Group Saving The City from Day Zero! Retrieved from https://www.thebetterindia.com/173853/bengaluru-ground-water-crisis-well- digging-day-zero-zenrainman/
Ramchandran, S. (2019). TEDdxBangalore: The Answer to India’s Water Crisis: Community. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AxlKrJcg8KU&t=22s
Srikantaiah, V. (2020). TEDxMBSITM: A city and its waters. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=velaVjFWv1A&t=48s
Anamika Sarker
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented? Who are the promoters? Who are the beneficiaries?
Veditum India Foundation is a not-for-profit research and media organization based out of Kolkata, India. Their work is at the intersection of environment, culture, and society, and is currently centered around Indian rivers, and life in and around these rivers. Their aim is to create publicly accessible records, which range from ecological, anthropogenic, hydrological, social, and more contextual layers of these spaces and of people’s stories.
The City Water Walks project by Veditum is a pan-India, multi-city project. It has taken off in multiple cities in the country, such as in Ahmedabad, Mumbai, and Chennai. It is also presently underway in other cities such as Kolkata. Recognizing that they are not the first, neither the only organization to map urban commons, they simply wish to provide a platform for people to host their information on after some basic vetting. When people from various cities are interested in conducting these walks, Veditum can provide them with a basic framework for it, should they ask for it. The City Water Walks project is entirely volunteer driven by curious citizens who are generally enthusiastic about learning about the urban realm that they inhabit. As such, the promoters would be the same individuals and groups who conduct the walks.
In terms of the dissemination of information and a growing awareness, the direct beneficiaries of the program are the common citizens. Yet, realizing that just a couple of guided walks are not sufficient to drive impactful change, the founder of Veditum India Foundation, Siddharth Agarwal believes that the persistence of these projects is the key to success. In allowing for the information to be open-source and accessible by people all over the web, citizens become more aware of the water infrastructure in their cities as a short-term objective. And in the long-term, in the presence of persevering demands from the citizens, they become the direct recipients of any administrative and development changes made in the city. Additionally, the global audience is also a beneficiary of this project, who can then use a similar framework to conduct similar studies and projects in their own cities.
How does this initiative engage with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
It is indisputable that climate change is real and very much upon us. But the changes which have been observed in recent years do not stay bounded within the geopolitical boundaries of any one country or region. Any changes to the local weather and climate of any area in the form of extreme weather events is bound to have global significance.
According to Pathak et al. (2014), “the hydrological cycle is intimately linked with changes in atmospheric temperature and radiation balance. A warmer climate may lead to an intensification of the hydrological cycle, resulting in higher rates of evaporation and increase of liquid precipitation. These processes, in association with a shifting pattern of precipitation, may affect the spatial and temporal distribution of runoff, soil moisture, groundwater reserves etc. and may increase the frequency of droughts and floods.” The director-general of the India Meteorological Department confirmed to Mongabay-India, a conservation and environmental science news platform, that the seasonal reliability of the annual monsoons in India has been changing. What used to be a steady combination of rains and sun is giving way to long periods of inadequate rainfall followed by intense rain; in short — drought and floods.
Reports from various parts of the country, for instance inadequate rains in Kerala and Karnataka followed by intense storms, bouts of strong rainfall of more than 900mm in Tamil Nadu in one day, weeks of flooding in cities such as Mumbai and in parts of Himachal Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Assam, and drinking water reserves running dry in Chennai have made it clear that these unanticipated patterns are a result of climate change. Such extreme weather events are expected to become commonplace in coming years, with an impending water crisis which is nearly upon us. Vast areas and populations living in them are being starved of water as the average temperature rises, worsening the number of people suffering from water stress. In addition to variable rainfall patterns, open areas which acted as major drainage points or forests in the past are being overrun by expanding cities. So, when there are excessive rains, cities are not able to drain the water, leading to widespread inundation.
For cities to expand in manners which are environmentally directed and sustainable, it is important to study the already existing infrastructure and patterns of distribution (of water). This is where we believe the City Water Walks projects fits in to the picture. By documenting water in the urban realm, including where the water comes from, how (and where) it travels within and city, and where it ultimately goes, it makes available a near-holistic understanding of urban water. An essential part of this process is to study the development of this network, which then makes it possible to map the changes which have taken place. Such research is carried out by often undertaking these walks in person, where citizens can see for themselves the route that the water they use and dispose on a regular basis, travels to and from. In addition to this, referring to academic and research projects, government archives, oral histories, narratives, and even literature from the region can add to the different layers of information one can gather for the program. In doing so, and by making educated estimates of what the upcoming years will look like for the city, the City Water Walks project will allow elected municipal and government officials to implement more efficient policies. Additionally, the walks which are a part of the City Water Walks project are different from regular walking tours which have become common in many cities today. This project urges us to be more mindful of the environment that we are in and is done from the perspective of record keeping and record making. In that sense, we believe that the City Water Walks project seeks to engage with climate change by helping Indian cities to better adapt to changing environmental conditions and preparing them to stay resilient against future extreme weather events.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
According to the Veditum India Foundation, the City Water Walks project was “born out the desire to understand how the urban [water] commons function and how are they affected by constant changes in governance and development.” In an interview with us, Siddharth spoke of the objective of the project as multifold- before the walk(s) is conducted, it is about building an idea to understand the context of where we as citizens and a society are situated. During the walk, the objective changes to a building a relationship with the landscape and with the water commons, which otherwise does not exist for us since it often remains hidden from view. This is especially important because citizen engagement is what triggers a mechanism towards accountability. The eventual goal is to contribute to smarter administrative and development decision making through their work. Their intent to amplify the voices of young Indians and push for collective action wherever required. The overall objective of the project can be understood as creating and revealing multiple reference points to understand and measure the changes in our cities, and to push for more comprehensive record-keeping.
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
The timeline for the project differs from city to city. But a part of the birth of the project was driven by the smaller temporal scale of it. The founder of Veditum India Foundation was already walking along the river Ganga and mapping it, which was a 6-month long commitment. Around the same time, questions about how other people could get involved in similar projects within more localized contexts came up. That is when the idea of the City Water Walks came to be- as a one-day long commitment made by citizens who were interested in questions of the relationship between their cities and the water which quenches its thirst.
Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
Veditum, as an organization, is open to have individuals or other organizations approach them with proposals to conduct similar water walks in their respective cities. As such, the City Water Walks project is not a centrally led project, with a fixed team working on it. It is, in essence, led by curious citizens who want to know more about the cities they inhabit and want to make that information available to others. While speaking with Siddharth, we were told that most people who choose to get involved in the project are those who are interested in urban studies, working within issues of environmental and policy accountability, students, general enthusiasts, and citizen scientists.
Which limits (institutional, physical, social, etc.) does it encounter?
As independent researchers, often there is a physical restriction of access to spaces, regardless of whether these are publicly or privately owned, and can lead to policing of these spaces by those who implement and enforce laws. Additionally, in the absence of an education institutional affiliation, a lot of information in the form of city-level records and other records, is often withheld. In such cases, it becomes necessary to rely on citizen records to fill in the missing gaps. It can also often be difficult to ensure the involvement of the local communities at different levels.
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
Currently, the main shortcoming of the project is the limited number of partners that it has. Strength and collective action are more likely to build up and be effective only when there are larger numbers and more long-term partners for the same. As for implementation, since this is primarily a research-based project, there are no foreseeable issues which may arise because of the findings from the project.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
The City Water Walks is a project that is flexible, both in terms of who all are involved in it, but also where it may be implemented. Since the project was first started in the city of Mumbai along the Mithi river, it has already travelled to other parts and cities in India, where the project has transformed to contextualize itself within the respective cities.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements, long term sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)? If yes, which?
The project is carried out with a lot of hope in the hearts of those conducting these walks- hope that more people from various cities will become interested. Given that people from various backgrounds are, and can be, involved with the City Water Walks project, the dissemination of information within different communities is faster. And as the network and bandwidth increases, the framework to carry out these walks and projects can become directly workable. The City Water Walks project especially looks at questions and infrastructure related to water supply and drainage. These are essential components which need to be addressed, at institutional, policy, and community levels, to make our cities more sustainable and prepared for the climate crisis.
Explain which materials you have used for your entry and eventually add links.
Arcanjo, M. (2019). The Future of Water in India. Retrieved from http://climate.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/The-Future-of-Water-in-India.pdf
Gopikrishna Warrier, S. (2019, September 19). As climate change disrupts the annual monsoon, India must prepare. Retrieved from https://news.mongabay.com/2019/09/as-climate-change-disrupts-the-annual-monsoon-india-must-prepare-commentary/
N.A (2021). Veditum India Foundation. Retrieved from https://veditum.org/
N.A (2021). City Water Walks. Retrieved from: https://veditum.org/citywaterwalks/
Pathak, H., Pramanik, P., Khanna, M., & Kumar, A. (2014). Climate change and water availability in Indian agriculture: impacts and adaptation. Indian J Agr Sci, 84, 671-679.
Prakas, A. & Goswami, A. (2020, August 29). Indian cities get drowned every monsoon. Here’s what can be done about it. Retrieved from https://scroll.in/article/971519/indian-cities-get-drowned-every-monsoon-heres-what-can-be-done-about-it
Sarker, A. & Agarwal, S. (2021, September 23). Where does Kolkata get its water from? Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QvK6UQfaO3c
Greta Gustafsson
Gamla Göta landsväg på Årstafältet, september 2012 by ”Jssfrk”, licensed under Creative Commons Attribution 3.0.
Where is this grassroots initiative implemented?
In the borough Årsta, in the southern part of Stockholm.
Who are the promoters? Who are the actors involved? What is their background?
The grassroot initiative is called Bevara Årstaskogen, in this text translated by the author to Preserve the Årsta forest. The initiative was founded by a group of citizens who were living in Årsta or had a clear connection to the Årsta forest, such as an allotment garden in the surrounding area. However, as the work has progressed, the support from nearby communities has been clear in terms of petitions. Preserve the Årsta forest has a main workgroup consisting of around 15 people, which can be seen as the core of the network. They all have other professions; among them one can find environmental consultants, lawyers, biologists, kindergarten teachers, architects, and graphic designers, therefore everyone works with the grassroot initiative in their free time. Furthermore, the initiative can be seen as a network that this workgroup mobilises from time to time. The Facebook group has 2 215 members, however, Eva Emell and Eva Lindahl could not say how many of them that are actually active, but guessed that it is around 50 people (Emell and Lindahl 2020).
The movement is a reaction of the municipality of Stockholm’s suggestion of building 800-1000 new apartments in the Årsta Forest (Olesund 2017). The ruling parties of the municipality at the time of the proposal were the Labour Party, the Green Party, the Left Party and the Feminist initiative (Nilsson 2018). In the election of 2018, the Centre Party made the issue with the Årsta forest one of the elections main questions. The party said that they would work against the building of houses in the area and at the same time expand the borders of the nature reserve. This led to the party getting 20 percent of the votes in Årsta. At the time of writing, the party has fulfilled their promise of stopping the building of the houses, however broadening the borders is yet to be done (Fagerström 2018).
Who are the beneficiaries?
In the early 2018 the forest became a protected natural area and is now a nature preserve, due to its role as a recreation area for the inhabitants of Stockholm and importance in the Swedish history of culture (Miljöbarometern 2018). Further on, the forest serves as home for a number of rare species in different stages of their lives (Länsstyrelsen 2018), which according to the author of this text makes it an important area for the local environment of Stockholm.
According to Emell and Lindahl the beneficiaries are themselves, but also their families that use the forest. They also highlight the importance of the forest for people that are not able to leave the city to access nature. Since it is a forest in an urban environment, it is easy to access for a lot of people, not demanding a car or a lot of free time. Furthermore, the forest works as a dissemination corridor for several species, it lowers the local temperature, it is a popular recreation area as well as playground for local kindergartens and schools. Moreover, the conflict shows how important the local democracy is, according to Emell and Lindahl. It has shown how substantial the forest is to a lot of people, for different reasons. If the politicians were to ignore that, the social contract is lost (Emell and Lindahl 2020).
How this initiative engages with climate? Does it tackle mitigation, adaptation, both or other dimensions of climate change?
The reason for the movement is to stop a proposal from the municipality. The proposal is a suggestion on the building of houses in the outskirt of the Årsta forest, however, it would still be in the nature preservation area. As a consequence of the rollout, the borders of the forest would decrease. Saving the forest can be seen as a way of mitigating the climate change, since it serves as a carbon sink and lowers the local temperature. It would also save the lives of many rare species and with that maintain the biodiversity. It could therefore be argued that the forest mostly works as a way to diminish climate change and preserve nature in the area.
What are the main objectives? What are the main values?
Emell and Lindahl say that the main value of the movement is to spread facts and information about the forest to politicians and the locals. They want to have a serious and respectful dialog with the stakeholders involved, and not promoting or supporting hearsay. They continue with saying that they do not accept disrespectful or unpleasant comments either on Facebook or in physical meetings. The information is spread through social media, handing out pamphlets and inviting stakeholders and locals to different types of gatherings regarding the forest (Emell and Lindahl 2020).
What is the timeline? Are there already visible effects?
In June 2017 the municipality of Stockholm decided to start the planning of building 800-1000 new apartments, as well as determining the borders of what would become the nature preserve (Olesund 2017). This would also be the starting point of Preserve the Årsta forest-movement (Emell and Lindahl 2020).
On the 4th of September 2019 the local newspaper Mitt I Söderort wrote that the plans of building new houses were cancelled (Göransson and Bonnichsen 2019). This is one of the main aims with the movement, hence one could say that there have been visible effects. On the 22nd of September 2020 Preserve the Årsta forest wrote on their webpage that the municipality’s new plan was to extend the area of the nature preserve (Bevara Årstaskogen 2020). However, the movement wants the borders of the preserve to cover the whole forest, thus still having one of their main objectives unfulfilled.
At the moment of writing, Preserve the Årsta forest is not very active. A few members are having a dialog with the politicians about what will happen with the forest, and how the work with extending the borders of the natural preserve is going, furthermore their collaboration with the Swedish Society for Nature Conservation is still ongoing. When asked if their work can ever be finished, Emell and Lindahl answer that they are not sure. The group has talked about becoming more of a creative group that arranges gatherings where knowledge about the forest can be spread as well as enjoying the forest together (Emell and Lindahl 2020).
Which limits does it encounter?
When asked about limits that have prevented the work of Preserve the Årsta forest, Emell and Lindahl cannot come up with any obstacles that might have hindered their work. Although, if they were to have had more money, they might have done things differently. However, they have never felt limited by the resources they did have. On the contrary they have felt very privileged to have a group of people educated in different areas, all of them very important to reach their aim. Emell and Lindahl especially highlight the benefits of having several layers within their group, as well as a biologist, someone that has worked a lot as a project leader, and a graphic designer. These competences have been crucial since the group wants to be based on facts and not feelings (Emell and Lindahl 2020).
Are any shortcomings or critical points visible? What other problematic issues can arise from its implementation?
The issue about building apartments in the forest can be seen as one of the ways the house crisis in Stockholm is shown. The demand for houses is critical. By trying to stop this, the crisis is consequently ongoing. On the other hand, there are other areas where new houses can be built. It can be argued that it is a matter of where the municipality decides to build them. Which areas that are prioritised to stay green, and which are not. According to the author of this text, there are probably more suitable places than a forest that serves many purposes for the locals. Both humans and animals.
How would it be potentially replicable in other settings?
Since the group focuses on spreading facts about the forest and the surrounding area, the way of working can probably be adjusted to other issue. Although the group has benefited from having members with insight in how these processes are done, the core value is to have well-researched argument and deliver facts to the stakeholders. That does not necessarily have to demand a certain job or education.
Is this initiative conducive to broader changes (law, institutional arrangements, long-term sustainability or community preparedness, etc.)? If yes, which?
It is hard to say if this movement can lead to broader changes.
References
Bevara Årstaskogen. 2020. Senaste Nytt:. [Online] Available at:
https://bevaraarstaskogen.wordpress.com [Accessed 23 October 2020].
Emell, E. and Lindahl, E.; Members of Preserve the Årsta Forest. 2020. Interview on the 23rd
of October.
Fagerström, P. 2018. Seger för C: Inga bostäder i Årstaskogen. [online] Available at: https://www.mitti.se/nyheter/seger-for-c-inga-bostader-i arstaskogen/lmrjl!4693123/ [Accessed 23 October 2020]
Göransson, A. and Bonnichsen, L., 2019. Borgarrådet: ”Vi Ska Inte Bygga I Årstaskogen”.
[online] Available at: https://www.mitti.se/nyheter/borgarradet-vi-
ska-inte-bygga-i-arstaskogen/lmsid!6683071/ [Accessed 23 October 2020].
Lansstyrelsen.se. 2018. Årstaskogen Och Årsta Holmar. [online] Available at:
https://www.lansstyrelsen.se/stockholm/besoksmal/naturreservat/arstaskogen-’
och-arsta-holmar.html [Accessed 15 October 2020].
Miljöbarometern. 2018. Naturreservatsbildning För Årstaskogen Och Årsta Holmar –
Stockholms Miljöbarometer. [online] Available at: http://miljobarometern.stockholm.se/natur/naturskydd/naturreservatsbildning-
for-arstaskogen-och-arsta-holmar/ [Accessed 15 October 2020].
Nilsson, L. 2018. Val 2018: Det här vill partierna. [online] expressen.se. Available at: https://www.expressen.se/nyheter/val-2018/val-2018-det-har-vill-partierna-i-stockholm/ [Accessed 23 October 2020].
Olesund, H., 2017. Naturreservat För Årsta Skog Och Årsta Holmar. Lägesrapport. [online]
Available at: https://insynsverige.se/documentHandler.ashx?did=1893604 [Accessed 15 October 2020].
In the middle of the desert landscape of the coast of Peru and its neighbor Chile, the Lomas stand out as islands of vegetation. With many endemic species, the ecosystem resists aridity by capturing the cold maritime humidity of the Pacific Ocean that enters the continent, the garúa. The millenary relationship between vegetation and ocean humidity ensured the safety of the water in the surroundings, especially in large cities. With the destruction of hills for pasture, agriculture, and mining, desertification has increased severely in recent decades. The Red de Lomas del Peru (Peru’s Lomas network) is a non-profit citizen association that centralizes the activities of other social groups, with the objective of conserving these coastal hills in Peru. Although its activities are concentrated in Lima, a megalopolis of 8.5 million inhabitants, the network articulates actions at the national level. The entry of water from the Garúa due to the presence of hills in the vicinity of the urban territory promotes local environmental improvements in the quality of air, rivers and groundwater.
At the same time that the hills are ecosystems sensitive to climate change, especially to changes in the duration and intensity of the El Niño phenomenon, they act in the water management of the local climate in the midst of complex processes of desertification. Thus, the activities of the Red de Lomas del Peru have ensured the lomas as conservation areas, and have sought to restore previously degraded areas. This is more present in the city of Lima, which has a history marked by water scarcity and water supply problems for its inhabitants.
The main objective of the network is to build sustainable communities through the conservation, protection, management and improvement of the ecosystems of the Peruvian lomero. In their vision, they want to be a network of reference and recognized as a generator of awareness and environmental responsibility for their capacity for action and proposals for the protection and defense of the hills and their sustainable management by citizens, communities, social organizations, the State and private companies. Behind these activities are three values: commitment to the environment, especially the hills; solidarity with environmental defenders; and the culture of caring for the community. For years, different associations have faced environmental conflicts such as land invasions and informal mining to ensure the protection of the lomas ecosystem throughout Peru. The Red de Lomas del Peru arises in 2018 from the need to articulate these parties into a unit that can have a greater presence in the nation, exchange experiences and collaborate with each other, in order to have a greater involvement with government authorities. In addition to giving voice to the members of the network and their allies, the network has also listened to governmental and scientific institutions, and to civil society as a whole.
Today, many of those involved in the activities of the Red de Lomas del Peru were, or still are, linked to the associations that make up the network. The president of the Asociación Ecológica Lomas de Primavera (Lomas de Primavera Ecological Association) in Carabaylo, Ascencio Vásquez, is president of the Network. Vicepresident Yovita Barzola acts as President of the Asociación Ecoturística Lomas de Mangomarca (Lomas de Mangomarca Ecotourism Association). The same occurs with other members such as: Gerónimo Huayhua, former president and current member of the “Circuito Ecoturístico Lomas de Paraíso” (Lomas de Paraíso Ecotourism Circuit) in Villa María del Triunfo; Trinidad Pérez, member of the association “Protectores Ambientales de la Flor y Lomas de Amancaes (PAFLA)” (Environmental Protectors of the Flower and Hills of Amancaes)” in the district of Rímac; Jorman Cabello, president of “Haz Tu Mundo Verde”; Yrma Peralta, president of the “Apu Ikiri Warmi Association”; Julieta de la Torre, leader of the “Comunidad Campesina de Atiquipa” (“Atiquipa Peasant
Community”).
With the communication facilities of the digital age, the initiative to organize networks of knowledge and actions is easily replicable. More than the sum of the strengths of the associations already formed, the networks allow a greater scope of activities and a new organizational identity that encompasses new challenges and new objectives.
Thanks to these joint efforts, they have already managed to make important decisions for the conservation of hills legitimized by documents, such as: the declaration of hills as fragile ecosystems, in 2018; Supreme Decree 011-2019-MINAM establishing the Regional Conservation Area “Sistema Lomas de Lima”, in December 2019; Supreme Decree 007-2020-MINAGRI, which establishes the “Inter-institutional Protocol to protect fragile ecosystems” and allows action against illegal and informal activities in the hills, in August 2020.
The Rediacción Grassroot movement is a metropolitan regional research and action network, whose organizers act politically in the Sabana de Bogotá. The region located in the geographic center of Colombia has more than 4 thousand km² with very different socio-environmental aspects, such as high altitudes (average of 2,600m) and steep topography that facilitate the capture of humidity from the air and act in the creation of lakes and wetlands; and a large urban population in the fifth most populous city in the Americas: Bogotá.
By dedicating itself to advocacy on land use planning, based on respect for the main ecological structure, the Rediacción involves knowledge and proposals for adaptation to climate change that includes everything from participation in public policies to governance processes, environmental education, planting and ecological restorations. Thus benefiting natural environments, the local population and public entities that manage socio-environmental conflicts.
In the midst of so many social actors, the collective’s objectives are centered on mediating between them in order to influence the formulation of municipal and regional policies, plans and projects; forge alliances with different social and institutional actors in favor of the resolution of socio-environmental conflicts; and disseminate information related to the Sabana de Bogotá to qualify the debate on land use planning and public policies.
Non-profit making, nor governmental or party ties, the members of Rediacción believe that urban planning and land use planning are suitable instruments to guide the development of the region and should be used for the benefit of the population, always above the interests of real estate capital. They perceive the surroundings of Bogotá as a set of living beings, physical elements and their ecological processes that need to be protected and used in a sustainable way. These assumptions were suggested by Thomas van der Hammen in his Main Ecological Structure concept in the 1990s. One of Rediacción’s areas of action is the Thomas van der Hammen North Bogota Producing Regional Forest Reserve, in honor of the scientist.
For them, the vision of regional and municipal development cannot be economically based and must respond to the particularities and needs of the local level in coordination, but not subject to the agendas of Bogotá or of corporate actors. For that, they understand internet social networks as a fundamental instrument for the dissemination of knowledge, high-level debate and the construction of relationships of solidarity and collaboration. Therefore, they are interested in participating in an informed and argued way in the local and regional public debate, without partisan interests, as citizens.
The movement was born in February 2020, from the interest in the analysis and understanding of the territorial dynamics of the municipalities of the Sabana de Bogotá, especially those that have metropolitan relations with the capital. In this process, they seek to position themselves as a representative actor, capable of qualifying the public debate and influencing the processes of public policy formulation related to different aspects in the region. Some examples were the technical suggestions in the process of creation of the Metropolitan Region, Bogotá Cundinamarca, the Multitemporal Study as a basis for discussion on the change of route of the trunk of the Andes on its site (https://rediaccion.wixsite.com/ rediaccion) and the dissemination of academic research for the general public on a YouTube channel (https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCm-3sPqZYrzpjLIgbgpIEYA).
The actors involved have a strong interdisciplinary perspective of the humanities and natural sciences centralized in the city. Luz Marina Rincón is a sociologist and has a master’s degree in Regional Development Planning. She is interested in the analysis of the creation of the Bogotá – Cundinamarca Metropolitan Region and the territorial and environmental planning of Chía and the region, she is currently a member of the Chía Territorial Council (2008 – 2016). Javier Muñoz Reyes is an architect with a master’s degree in Urban Design, a master’s degree in Territorial Planning and Environmental Management. He has experience in Design, Consultant of urban projects, Advisor in projects of Land Management. Giselle Andrea Osorio Ardila is an anthropologist, doctor in urban and regional planning. Johanna González Calderón is an environmental administrator, audiovisual and plastic artist, and farmer, with experience in participatory ecological restoration, environmental education, processes of social appropriation of strategic ecosystems and socio-environmental research. Sergio Burgos is an environmental engineer with a master’s degree in Regional Urban Planning. Iris Laverde Bohórquez is an environmental administrator and a master’s student in Environment and Development. Nixon Eduardo Mora Caicedo is an admirer and caregiver of nature, and a student at the University of Cundinamarca. Ana Milena Sastoque Herrera is a sociologist, interested in rural, labor, environment and gender issues, and is doing her master’s degree in Environment and Development.
While Rediacción’s work is bearing fruit, its ideas, resolutions and proposals are held back by social groups with conflicting interests. The greatest difficulty experienced is the reluctance of decision makers to effectively incorporate contributions and suggestions into public policies and planning instruments.
Still, they realize that their actions can be replicable in other contexts. According to Giselle Osorio: “It is replicable because we act within the framework of national norms for citizen participation, using the tools they provide us with. Our group is made up of professionals who contribute to common objectives from their fields of knowledge, so similar initiatives can arise anywhere there is a will”.
In the short-medium term, Rediacción plans to have its actions in projects and documents such as the Organic Law of the Bogotá-Cundinamarca Metropolitan Region; the Formulation of Municipal Land Use Plans; the creation and consolidation of a green belt to contain the Bogotá-Sabana conurbation; future actions for the ecological restoration of the Bogotá River ring road; and the constitution of a Natural Reserve for civil society in the Los Andes wetland.
Ellen Ahlgren
Rena Mälaren is an initiative located in Sweden, primarily doing their sustainability work within the city centre of Stockholm. Stockholm, which is the capital of Sweden, claimed the nickname “the Venice of the North”, since the city stretches across fourteen islands where Lake Mälaren flows into the Baltic Sea. This consequently generates a lot of boat-traffic within the city, with many small marinas scattered throughout the larger city centred islands. A significant human induced problem, especially in the marinas but also throughout the lake near the islands, is waste dumping by individuals. The non-profit organisation Rena Mälaren therefore aims to both engage and motivate locals in the protection of the already fragile water body, but also to actually remove waste with the help of divers and non-divers.
The pick-up truck of Rena Mälaren that goes to the recycling centre (Olsson, 2020)
Rena Mälaren was created by Fredrik Johansson and today the organisation has over 50 voluntary locals who help with clean-up of Lake Mälaren. The organisation is non-profit, and the promoters are the voluntary individuals who spread the message through social media and verbally to their friends and family. Since the work of the organisation is in public locations, Rena Mälaren also gets recognition when doing their environmental clean-up since people pass and wonder about the work. Fredrik Johansson started the organisation when diving for fun around Stockholm city centre and realised that there were tons of waste that existed on the bottom. Lake Mälaren is a water source for around 1.5 million people, to pollute the water with both waste and especially toxic waste, means that the 1.5 million people would need a new non-polluted source of water, which is both energy demanding and rare to come by because of water scarcity.
The main objectives of the organisation are to remove toxic chemicals from the lake – primarily from lead batteries, electric scooters, and other hazardous objects. This is the main communication of the organisation, however, along with the positive environmental work that Rena Mälaren does, climate positive outcomes are a result that the organisation is very much aware of and also brings up when discussing the positivity of the initiative. This is for example in case of all of the collected waste of Rena Mälaren being recycled, which in turns saves both energy production and carbon emissions, when comparing recycled materials with producing new materials from raw materials. This is important, since the amount of waste collected is vast, and a lot of the collected materials are from metals, glass, and hard plastic from tires. These are all very energy demanding to create, hence, to recycle these products would save a lot of energy and be a climate mitigation action.
Some of the waste that Rena Mälaren has picked up from Norrmälarstrand in Stockholm with volunteers in the background (Olsson, 2020)
As previously mentioned, another of the objectives of Rena Mälaren is also to create a reaction and acknowledgment of the large waste problem that the city has, that is not easily noticed because of the lack of visibility of the garbage. This objective is in turns also a climate mitigation one, since the initiative creates additional engagement of locals to recycle already produced materials.
Rena Mälaren started 2018 and since then they have had at least one waste pick-up per week. Since the start they have picked up 14,3 ton lead batteries, 489 electric scooters (around 14 ton), 1 car, 1 motorcycle and around 40,3 ton of other waste. The organisation is involved with several actors and affiliate partners who are supportive of the work of Rena Mälaren. Among these are some dive centres, but also two Swedish construction companies and four electric-scooter companies. These companies are helping the initiative and supporting the cause, but not gaining any additional profit from it.
The municipality of Stockholm are not opposed to the work that Rena Mälaren does, however they are not assisting them either. Rena Mälaren has for example asked if the municipality could help with the administration of bins, but the municipality declined. If the municipality would help with this, the sorting and recycling part of the initiative would be easier, but now instead Rena Mälaren have to use their own sorting ways. Another limitation Rena Mälaren has met is that the recycling centres in Stockholm only lets private persons recycle 4 tires at a time. This makes it very hard for Rena Mälaren to do their work and recycle the tires, since per waste pick-up there is usually more than that. Problematic issues that can arise from the initiative is that there could be dangers with picking up toxins that are in a closed container, both for the diver but also for the environment. This is why the divers who are picking up the waste should be certified and have proper knowledge regarding on how to take precautionary measures.
Fredrik Johansson, the founder of the initiative (Olsson, 2020)
Since the only thing that is needed for an initiative like Rena Mälaren is divers and volunteers to be on land and pull up waste, similar initiatives around water bodies could definitely be implemented. There are probably already similar projects around the world, but it is perhaps not as common to do a project like this in the city centre of a capital. However, cities with similar structure could implement similar initiatives and this is encouraged by Rena Mälaren.
Hopefully, Rena Mälaren will make a greater impact and get the municipality of Stockholm to understand the immensity of this problem and get them to implement stricter laws, especially in the marinas of Stockholm. This could for example be that the marinas themselves should be responsible for the disposed waste within their marinas. Such an implementation would lead to less work needed by private initiatives and also it would make the marinas aware of the waste that the boat-owners dump in their marina. To spread knowledge regarding what gets dumped in the water body of the city is also very important and is one of the greater impacts that the initiative have on the municipality and its residents.
References
The references used in this entry is information regarding Rena Mälaren which can be found on their website linked in references. Also, some information was from the creator of the initiative Fredrik Johansson. The photos used in this entry is with the consent of and by Oscar Olsson, who owns the rights to the photographs.
RenaMalaren. 2020. [online] Available at: https://www.renamalaren.com/ [Accessed 23 October 2020].
Oscar Olsson, 2020. [photographs] (Oscar Olsson’s own private collection)
The report was released by New York City Environmental Justice Alliance (NYC-EJA) in 2016; it is a critical analysis of the Major’s One NYC.
The purpose of the document is to: (a) assess whether or not efforts from City government, as laid out in the City’s sustainability and resiliency blueprints, can begin to reduce the vulnerabilities of low-income communities and black communities to climate change impacts; and (b) propose recommendations to broaden and strengthen such protections.
The document focuses on five main themes aimed at achieving different environmental justice, climate justice and equity goals.
- climate adaptation and mitigation;
- equity and infrastructure;
- public health;
- community preparedness;
- community-based planning.
The document points out the principles of the grassroots movement FTP DecolonizeThisPlace based and active in New York and lists three of its Communique and the organizing actions calendar. FTP has always sided with all those indigenous peoples whose lands have been stolen and raped by colonialist policies. The FTP movement fights for territorial justice policies and against gentrification, economic inequality and police violence; it is independent by any political logic. The movement carries out different actions: resistance, awareness, political education, mutual aid, fundraising, jail support and documentary evidence productions. It does not tolerate any form of racism and discrimination of gender, religion, sex, income. Since it represents a disturbing reality, it has been shadow-banned by the main social networks.
Here you have a list of principles:
1: NY’s subway lines “owners” are Wall Street’s banks, which make their own profit and not of the community. It is necessary to evade the fare in mass to force the end of Wall Street’s theft.
2: Police has been created to crush all voices of dissent contrary to the Big Brother’s directives. The police look more like mercenaries than peace officers and the color of your skin doesn’t help.
3: Many of NY’s roads and subway lines burrow through springs, swamps and streams that were once part of indigenous peoples landscape just for settler profits. Only when the subways leak and flood, they are being decolonized.
Finally, in case of arrest, you can find here your rights!
This document introduces the objectives of the upcoming development of Naples over the period 2019-2030. The envisioned urban transformation should allow and entail a factual and inclusive right to the city, meaning a just and equal access to the common pool of resources available in the city of Naples.
This document describes in details the concrete actions targeting and implementing a “urban regeneration” based on a just and sustainable transition.
The main actor and user of this planning strategy is the community and the several communities acting within the urban space, thus it represents a collective project rather than a top-down elaborated plan.
Actions against environmental contamination, pollution and injustice play a major role in this city project and the Municipality calls for fossil-free energy supply, reclamation of landfills and contaminated sites, green areas and urban forests, environmental friendly economic activities, sustainable mobility and access to public housing.
Come viene affrontato il cambiamento climatico: adaptation strategy behind the two documents.
The general vision of the City Urban Plan aims to read urban planning not as a program but as a collective project, which binds the city to the dynamics traversing the urban space, to the implementation of processes that find the primary reference in the community, and as a tool for the construction of the contemporary city. A city that today is continuous urban environment, a heterogeneous space, with a relational scale that goes beyond the municipal boundaries; a fragile ecosystem when compared to the strength of the ongoing climate changes, still a dynamic, attractive, but still unprepared community in regard to new social requests for hospitality and the right to housing. Finally, a space deeply redrawn in its geographies as a result of new landscapes and new natures that silently act in it.
The document is in Italian